With data from 33 nations, we illustrate the differences between cultures that are tight (have many strong norms and a low tolerance of deviant behavior) versus loose (have weak social norms and a high tolerance of deviant behavior). Tightness-looseness is part of a complex, loosely integrated multilevel system that comprises distal ecological and historical threats (e.g., high population density, resource scarcity, a history of territorial conflict, and disease and environmental threats), broad versus narrow socialization in societal institutions (e.g., autocracy, media regulations), the strength of everyday recurring situations, and micro-level psychological affordances (e.g., prevention self-guides, high regulatory strength, need for structure). This research advances knowledge that can foster cross-cultural understanding in a world of increasing global interdependence and has implications for modeling cultural change.

This study sought to identify the effects of culture and sex on mate preferences using samples drawn world-wide. Thirty-seven samples were obtained from 33 countries located on six continents and five islands (N = 9,474). Hierarchical multiple regressions revealed strong effects of both culture and sex, moderated by specific mate characteristics. Chastity proved to be the mate characteristic on which cultures varied the most. The preference ordering of each sample was contrasted with an international complement. Each culture displayed a unique preference ordering, but there were some similarities among all cultures as reflected in a positive manifold of the cross-country correlation matrix. Multidimensional scaling of the cultures yielded a five dimensional solution, the first two of which were interpreted. The first dimension was interpreted as Traditional versus Modern, with China, India, Iran, and Nigeria anchoring one end and the Netherlands, Great Britain, Finland, and Sweden anchoring the other. The second dimension involved valuation of education, intelligence, and refinement. Consistent sex differences in value attached to eaming potential and physical attractiveness supported evolution-based hypotheses about the importance of resources and reproductive value in mates. Discussion emphasizes the importance of psychological mate preferences for scientific disciplines ranging from evolutionary biology to sociology.

The dimension of individualism‐collectivism, as identified by Hofstede (1980), was studied using items developed both theoretically and emically in nine diverse cultures. The dimension was found to be analysable into four stable etic factors: Individualism had two aspects (Separation from Ingroups and Self‐Reliance with Hedonism) and collectivism had two aspects (Family Integrity and Interdependence with Sociability). These four factors are orthogonal to each other. The location of nine cultures on these four factors was used to compute a “collectivism” score which correlated r = + · 73 with Hofstede's (1980) collectivism scores for the nine cultures. This approach enables the measurement of individualism‐collectivism in each culture as well as across cultures, and shows that different methods for measuring individualism‐collectivism converge.

Relationships between context variables (ecosocial indices) and psychological variables across different nations were investigated, guided by Berry’s Ecocultural Framework. The psychological variables were values (Hofstede; Inglehart; Schwartz; Smith, Dugan, and Trompenaars) and subjective well-being (Diener). The ecosocial indices of religion and affluence had separate and in some ways contrasting relationships with psychological variables. Some religions were related to higher interpersonal power, loyalty, and hierarchy, but lower affluence. Other religions, (particularly Protestantism) and higher affluence were related to intrapersonal aspects, such as individualism, utilitarian commitment, and well-being. The most important result was the finding that scores of psychological variables showed systematic relationships with cluster membership of countries on ecosocial indices. The study proposes a solution to a theoretical and methodological problem of current cross-cultural psychology: the search for cultural (context) variables that would explain similarities and differences in psychological variables in different clusters of countries.

No abstract

The problem of the interpretation or explanation of psychological variation or communality between cultures is the central methodo logical and theoretical issue in current cross-cultural psychology. There is a tendency to mistakenly equate "culture" with "nation" or "ethnic group." The concept of nation-state in cross-cultural research is used in both defining samples and interpreting results. The authors propose the use of ecological and social indicators of nations as context variables, within the framework of Berry's ecocul tural theory. Seventy-seven ecological and social indicators were selected from statistical yearbooks. Cluster analysis of nations resulted in 25 indicators, based on a priori categories of ecology, economics, education, mass communication, population, and religion, and are presented together with the profile means. The results can be used for the selection of nations in cross-cultural research, for the investigation of the relationships of these indicators to psychological variables, and for the eventual establishment of a workable ecocultural theory for cross-cultural psychology.

This study investigated the relationship between culture, structural aspects of the nuclear and extended family, and functional aspects of the family, that is, emotional distance, social interaction, and communication, as well as geographical proximity. The focus was on the functional aspects of family, defined as members of the nuclear family (mother, father, and their children) and the extended family (grandmother/grandfather, aunt/uncle, cousins). Sixteen cultures participated in this study, with a total number of 2587 participants. The first hypothesis, that the pattern of scores on the psychological measures and the behavioral outcomes are similar across cultures, an indication of cultural universality, was supported. The second hypothesis, that functional relations between members of the nuclear family and their kin are maintained in high‐affluent and low‐affluent cultures, and that differences in functional relationships in high‐ and low‐affluent cultures are a matter of degree, was also supported by the findings. The results suggest that it is less meaningful in cross‐cultural family studies to ask questions about the structure of the family, than to ask about the functional relationships between members of the nuclear family and their kin. In looking only at the nuclear family, one focuses only on those residing in the household, but ignores those important members of the extended family who may reside nearby and their significant relationships with the members of the nuclear family.

This study, using a contextual approach, explores the relationship of family bonds to family structure and function across five cultures: Greece, Cyprus, the Netherlands, Britain, and Germany. Its long-term goal is the construction of measures of family structure and functioning that are useful in cross-cultural research. Differences in emotional closeness, geographic proximity to relatives, and frequency of telephone contacts and meetings were not found among the five cultures with respect to members of the nuclear family. Differences between Greece and Cyprus, selected as relatively collectivist cultures, and Britain, the Netherlands, Germany, individualist cultures, on these variables were found with respect to members of the extended family. By showing a pattern of cross-cultural similarity and differences, although moderate, among extended family members, this study shows that family structure and function are context variables that can explain variability between psychological variables and thus add to the explanatory power of cross-cultural psychology.