Applications to public policy and programmes are proposed. along with a consideration of the social and psychological costs and benefits of adopting a pluralist and integrationist orientation to these issues.

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C et article présente plusieurs des principaux résultats d'une grande étude internationale sur l'acculturation et l'adaptation de jeunes immigrés (âgés de 13 à 18 ans) qui se sont implantés dans treize pays ( N = 5,366); il y est adjoint un échantillon de jeunes nationaux ( N = 2,631). La recherche s'appuyait sur trois questions centrales: comment les jeunes migrants gèrent-ils le processus d'acculturation? Comment parviennent-ils à s'adapter? Et y a-t-il un lien manifeste entre la forme d'acculturation et le succès de l'adaptation? L'analyse en clusters déboucha sur quatre profils d'acculturation: intégrateur, ethnique, national et diffus. L'analyse factorielle de cinq variables d'adaptation mit en évidence deux types d'adaptation: psychologique et socioculturel. Il existe une forte relation entre la façon dont les jeunes s'acculturent et leur adaptation: ceux qui présentent un profil intégrateur bénéficient des meilleurs indicateurs d'adaptations psychologique et socioculturelle alors que ceux souffrant d'un profil diffus ont les pires. Entre les deux, le profil ethnique présente une adaptation psychologique relativement bonne et une adaptation socioculturelle plutôt pauvre, tandis que le profil national a une adaptation psychologique relativement pauvre et une adaptation socioculturelle légèrement négative. Cette configuration de résultats fut en grande partie retrouvée à travers une modélisation en équation structurelle. Les conséquences pour l'implantation des jeunes immigrés sont claires: ils devraient être encouragés à préserver l'appartenance à leur culture d'origine tout en établissant des liens étroits avec la société d'accueil.This paper reports some of the main findings from a large international study of the acculturation and adaptation of immigrant youth (aged 13 to 18 years) who are settled in 13 societies ( N = 5,366), as well as a sample of national youth ( N = 2,631). The study was guided by three core questions: How do immigrant youth deal with the process of acculturation? How well do they adapt? Are there important relationships between how they acculturate and how well they adapt? Cluster analysis produced four distinct acculturation profiles: integration , ethnic , national , and diffuse . Factor analysis of five adaptation variables revealed two distinct forms of adaptation: psychological and sociocultural . There were substantial relationships between how youth acculturate and how well they adapt: those with an integration profile had the best psychological and sociocultural adaptation outcomes, while those with a diffuse profile had the worst; in between, those with an ethnic profile had moderately good psychological adaptation but poorer sociocultural adaptation, while those with a national profile had moderately poor psychological adaptation, and slightly negative sociocultural adaptation. This pattern of results was largely replicated using structural equation modeling. Implications for the settlement of immigrant youth are clear: youth should be encouraged to retain both a sense of t...

Divine Providence to be peopled by one nation, speaking one language, professing one general system of religious and political principles, and accustomed to one general tenor of social usages and customs" (Quincy Adams in 1811). Of course, my own advocacy of Integration may well be due to my living and working in an explicitly multicultural society.

The discipline of psychology has much to contribute to our understanding of immigrants and the process of immigration. A framework is proposed that lays out two complementary domains of psychological research, both rooted in contextual factors, and both leading to policy and program development. The first (acculturation) stems from research in anthropology and is now a central part of crosscultural psychology; the second (intergroup relations) stems from sociology and is now a core feature of social psychology. Both domains are concerned with two fundamental issues that face immigrants and the society of settlement: maintenance of group characteristics and contact between groups. The intersection of these issues creates an intercultural space, within which members of both groups develop their cultural boundaries and social relationships. A case is made for the benefits of integration as a strategy for immigrants and for multiculturalism as a policy for the larger society. The articles in this issue are then discussed in relation to these conceptual frameworks and empirical findings.The study of immigrants and immigration is rooted in many disciplines: Anthropology, demography, economics, political science, and sociology have all predominated, whereas psychology has lagged somewhat behind. There is a clear role for psychology to play in this field, however, just as there is for the broader domain of ethnic and intercultural studies more generally. In claiming such a role, I have previously argued (Berry, 1990a) that there are two broad areas of potential contribution by psychology: acculturation and intergroup relations. The former has come into psychology from anthropology and has become a major focus of cross-cultural psychology (Berry, 1990b;Liebkind, 2000;Ward, 1996). The latter had its origins in sociology and has taken a central position in social psychology

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Dans les socittts culturellement diversifites, les individus peuvent pr6senter des attitudes relatives A leurs relations avec les autres et les groupes. Ces attitudes (dites "attitudes d'acculturation") sont libes A des prises de position sur deux problkmes gtntraux p o s h A toute p e r s o~e en acculturation: la preservation culturelle de son propre group et le contact avec les autres groupes. On dtfinit les attitudes d'assimilation, d'inttgration, de stparation et de marginalisation, puis on les mesure dans plusieurs groups en acculturation d'Australie et du Canada (les indigknes, les immigrants et les groupes ethniques implantis). On donne la validit6 et la fidClitt des tchelles d'attitude, puis on analyse les relations des Cchelles entre elles par rapport aw deux problbmes sous-jacents que sont la prtservation et le contact. Enfin, quelques-unes des applications pratiques des attitudes d'acculturation sont envisagkes.Individuals in culturally plural societies may hold attitudes towards how they wish to relate to other individuals and groups. These attitudes (termed "acculturation attitudes") involve orientations towards two general issues facing all acculturating peoples: cultural maintenance (of one's own group) and contact (with other groups). Acculturation attitudes of Assimilation, Integration, Separation and Marginalisation are defined and measured in a variety of acculturating groups in Australia and Canada (including native peoples, immigrants and established ethnic groups). Attitude scale reliability and validity are presented, and scale interrelations are discussed in reference to the two underlying issues of maintenance and contact. Some practical applications of acculturation attitudes are discussed. ~ ~~~ ~Requests for reprints should be sent to J. W.

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