0.Introduction Japanese has two ways of forming sentential negation: regular negation with -na inÁected on the main verb, as in (1a), and wa-negation with the so-called topic marker -wa on the main verb followed by auxiliary suru inÁected with -na, as in (1b). The purpose of this paper is to provide a uniÀed syntactic analysis of the two types of negation based on data concerning the scope of negation and a quantiÀed object NP (object QNP), extracted through psycholinguistic experimentation using a technique known as the Truth Value Judgment Task (TVJT) (Crain and Thornton, 1998). We will argue that the Àndings of our experiment support a view that the negation projection is placed low in the clause structure, within the lexical vP domain. This paper is organized as follows. In section 1, we consider lexical and syntactic approaches to Japanese negation and conclude that the data calls for the syntactic approach with a negation projection (NegP) in the clause structure. We then present an argument that the scope interaction between negation and the object QNP makes a great test for the position of NegP in Japanese. We point out, however, that the data cannot be used as it is presented in the literature on this topic because the scope judgments reported there conÁict with each other, making it impossible for us to make any coherent conclusions. This raises a question as to the validity of the methodology employed in extracting these scope judgments. In section 2, we present the TVJT experiment that we conducted in order to extract more reliable scope judgments. After a discussion of the particulars of our experiment, we present our Àndings followed by their implications for the syntax of negation in Japanese.
In this article, we consider the binding-theoretic status of the Korean long-distance anaphor caki . While caki has been called a long-distance anaphor, in reality its antecedent can be found locally as well as at a distance. It can also have a non-c-commanding antecedent, and an antecedent from a previous sentence. Though there are many different approaches to caki , what is apparent is the generalization that caki must be coindexed with an NP/DP if there is a possible antecedent in the syntax. We take this one step further and show that caki must be bound if there is a possible binder in the semantics, using examples where caki is bound by implicit arguments coming from reportative evidentials and generics/modals. We argue that this generalization is best captured if caki is seen as a bound variable requiring a semantic binder, and demonstrate how this bound-variable analysis can provide a unified account for local, long-distance, and discourse-bound instances of caki , as well as instances of caki with a non-c-commanding antecedent and those bound by an implicit argument. The residual cases where caki has no possible semantic binder are treated as instances of exempt anaphora, free variables, the felicity of which are subject to discourse conditions.*
This article presents a novel analysis of bound variable anaphora using Synchronous Tree Adjoining Grammar (STAG), a pairing of a Tree Adjoining Grammar (TAG) for syntax and a TAG for semantics. While a bound variable pronoun can occur at a distance from its binder, as in 'Every girl i believes that she i is intelligent', languages vary, though in a limited way, as to how near or far from its binder a bound variable should be. As any dependency between two syntactic objects must be localized to a single predicate domain in TAG, modelling bound variable anaphora in syntax and semantics poses an interesting challenge for STAG. In our analysis, bound variable pronouns are represented as Multi-Component sets in both syntax and semantics, composing in delayed tree-local derivations. This allows us to not only account for variable binding at a distance, but it also allows us to define a single derivational parameter with which observed patterns of bound variable locality can be modelled, ruling out unobserved patterns, while capturing the range of interpretive possibilities for bound variable pronouns across languages.
While early studies on the Korean long distance anaphor caki describe it to be subject-oriented in that it can only take subject antecedents, similarly to long distance anaphors in many other languages, more recent studies observe that it can take non-subject antecedents as well, especially in the context of certain verbs. This paper presents a visual-world eye-tracking study that tested whether the antecedent potential of caki in an embedded subject position is a function of the matrix subject, the matrix verb, or both, and whether the subject and the verb effects constrain the interpretation of caki in the same way as null pronouns, a commonly used pronominal form in Korean. These questions were addressed through an investigation of how the subject effect and the verb effect were manifested in processing these pronouns. We found that when caki, but not null pronouns, was first processed, there were more fixations to the images representing the matrix subject than the images representing the matrix object regardless of the matrix verb. We further found that the proportions of fixations to the images in both caki and null trials changed after the processing of some sentential verbs. These findings demonstrate that while null pronoun interpretation is a function of the verb effect only, caki-interpretation is a function of both the subject and the verb effect, supporting a multiple-constraints approach to anaphor resolution.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
customersupport@researchsolutions.com
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.