2016
DOI: 10.1353/cjl.2016.0010
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The Shona reflexive as covert anaphora

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Cited by 1 publication
(11 citation statements)
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“…The preverbal position of the RFM, similar to that of OMs, offers grounds to assume that it is itself a kind of OM, rather than a separate reflexive voice head or a valence operator for instance. A similar observation is made by Kioko (2005) for Kikamba and Storoshenko (2016) for Shona, two related Bantu languages. Indeed, morphemes that affect the number of arguments that the verb takes commonly follow the verb stem in Bantu.…”
Section: Rfms Are Inflectional and Not Derivational Morphologysupporting
confidence: 83%
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“…The preverbal position of the RFM, similar to that of OMs, offers grounds to assume that it is itself a kind of OM, rather than a separate reflexive voice head or a valence operator for instance. A similar observation is made by Kioko (2005) for Kikamba and Storoshenko (2016) for Shona, two related Bantu languages. Indeed, morphemes that affect the number of arguments that the verb takes commonly follow the verb stem in Bantu.…”
Section: Rfms Are Inflectional and Not Derivational Morphologysupporting
confidence: 83%
“…The conclusions drawn above regarding the independent nature of these strategies are then taken to apply to these two cases. Finally, I consider the case of Shona, argued by Murugesan (2019) to be an instantiation of a default agreement strategy, based on Storoshenko (2016). Putting the Shona data in light of cross-linguistic and diachronic evidence, I suggest that there are grounds to think of the Shona reflexive marking as anaphoric agreement of the Swahili kind rather than default agreement.…”
Section: Reclassification Of Default Agreement Languagesmentioning
confidence: 90%
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