Proposing that the algorithms of social life are acquired as a domain-based process, the author offers distinctions between social domains preparing the individual for proximity-maintenance within a protective relationship (attachment domain), use and recognition of social dominance (hierarchical power domain), identification and maintenance of the lines dividing "us" and "them" (coalitional group domain), negotiation of matched benefits with functional equals (reciprocity domain), and selection and protection of access to sexual partners (mating domain). Flexibility in the implementation of domains occurs at 3 different levels: versatility at a bioecological level, variations in the cognitive representation of individual experience, and cultural and individual variations in the explicit management of social life. Empirical evidence for domain specificity was strongest for the attachment domain; supportive evidence was also found for the distinctiveness of the 4 other domains. Implications are considered at theoretical and applied levels.

Parent and child family-related cognitions are reviewed with respect to (a) their origins, (b) their linkage to affect and behavior, (c) their transmission and perpetuation, (d) their alteration on the basis of first-hand experience, and (e) their collaborative negotiation and renegotiation. A distinction is offered between the functioning of implicit, relatively unaware, schematic cognitions and relatively aware, explicit, event-dependent cognitions. Consideration is also given to the differential content (or topics) of cognitions. As a positive outcome of recent research, many new insights have emerged with respect to the linkage of family members' cognitions and their individual and shared patterns of behavior. However, several limitations remain, including too little consideration of the shared influences of parents' and children's cognitions and the changes in these cognitions over time. As a growth area, there is emerging interest in the application of our knowledge of cognitions to the clinical context in programs designed to remediate and prevent family problems.

We predicted low perceived caregiver control over caregiving failure to be related to (a) coercive or abusive parenting and (b) affective reactions to "difficult" children. On the basis of a multidimensional scaling analysis of the Parent Attribution Test (Study 1), we constructed a scale (PCF) that assessed perceived balance of control over caregiving failure (attributed control to caregivers vs. attributed control to children). In Study 2, we found low PCF to predict abusiveness and nonabusive coerciveness among mothers in counseling at a child abuse agency. Additionally, we found low PCF to predict experienced annoyance/irritation among unrelated mothers interacting with children at relatively high risk for abuse (compared with their lower-risk siblings). We interpreted results as demonstrating the potential importance of low perceived control as a moderator of negative affect in response to difficult children.

This investigation tested the incremental utility of cognitive retraining as a component within a program designed to prevent child maltreatment. High-risk families (N = 96) were randomly assigned to a control condition, home visitation modeled after the Healthy Start program (unenhanced home visitation), or home visitation that included a cognitive component (enhanced home visitation). Mothers were identified late during pregnancy or soon after birth, and their participation continued for 1 year. Lower levels of harsh parenting were found among mothers in the enhanced home visitation condition than among those in the unenhanced home visitation or control conditions. Prevalence of physical abuse (percentage of mothers who were abusive) during the first year was 26% in the control condition, 23% in the unenhanced home visitation condition, and 4% in the enhanced home visitation condition. Benefits were greatest in families that included a medically at-risk child. A linear pattern of benefits was found for child health; as program features were added, benefits for child health increased.

A transactional model of adult-child interaction was proposed and tested. In determining the effects that caregivers and children have on each other, it was maintained that adult attributions act as important moderators in the interaction process. Specifically, it was predicted that adult beliefs about the causes of caregiving outcomes act as selective filters or sensitizers to child behavior--determining the nature and amount of adult reaction to different child behaviors. It was further predicted that adult attributions act in a self-fulfilling fashion, that is, the communication patterns that follow from caregiver beliefs act to elicit child behavior patterns that maintain those beliefs. In a synthetic family strategy, elementary-school-aged boys were paired with unrelated mothers (N = 96) for videotaped interactions. Children were either trained or preselected on two orthogonal dimensions: responsiveness and assertiveness. Mothers were premeasured on their self-perceived power as caregivers (S+) and the social power they attributed to children (C+). Videotapes were analyzed separately for adult facial expression and posture, voice intonation, and verbal communication. Each of these behavioral dimensions was measured on the dimensions of affect, assertion, and "maternal quality" (e.g., baby-talk). We expected low self-perceived power to sensitize the adult to variations in child responsiveness and high child-attributed power to sensitize the adult to variations in child assertiveness. Two transactional sequences were obtained (the same patterns were obtained for acted and dispositional enactments of child behavior): 1. Low S+ mothers (in comparison with high S+ mothers) were selectively reactive to child unresponsiveness. These adults reacted to unresponsive children with a communication pattern characterized by a "maternal" quality, negative affect, and positive affect that was unassertively inflected. Unresponsive children, in turn, reacted to low S+ mothers with continued unresponsiveness. 2. High C+ mothers (in contrast to low C+ mothers) were selectively reactive to child unassertiveness. These adults reacted to shy children with a "maternal," strong, and affectively positive communication style. Unassertive children, in turn, reacted to high C+ mothers with increased assertiveness. High S+ and low C+ mothers demonstrated no significant alterations in their behavior as a function of child behavior. This nonreactivity had positive consequences for child unresponsiveness (reduced) and negative consequences for child unassertiveness (maintained).(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS)

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A selective review is offered of current issues and new developments in the measurement of parental attributions for social behavior. Attributions have alternatively been conceptualized as involving (a) memory-dependent knowledge structures (i.e., interpretive styles that are dependent on the parent's history) or (b) stimulus-dependent appraisal processes (i.e., interpretations that are dependent on information available in the immediate context). Consideration is given to the theoretical underpinnings of different types of attributional measures and the implicit models within attribution research (e.g., attributions as mediators, attributions as moderators). Finally, psychometric issues within different attributional approaches are discussed, including consideration of the factors that optimize or constrain the utility of different measures.