Humans and chimpanzees are unusual among primates in that they frequently perform group hunts of mammalian prey and share meat with conspecifics. Especially interesting are cases in which males give meat to unrelated females. The meat-for-sex hypothesis aims at explaining these cases by proposing that males and females exchange meat for sex, which would result in males increasing their mating success and females increasing their caloric intake without suffering the energetic costs and potential risk of injury related to hunting. Although chimpanzees have been shown to share meat extensively with females, there has not been much direct evidence in this species to support the meat-for-sex hypothesis. Here we show that female wild chimpanzees copulate more frequently with those males who, over a period of 22 months, share meat with them. We excluded other alternative hypotheses to exchanging meat for sex, by statistically controlling for rank of the male, age, rank and gregariousness of the female, association patterns of each male-female dyad and meat begging frequency of each female. Although males were more likely to share meat with estrous than anestrous females given their proportional representation in hunting parties, the relationship between mating success and sharing meat remained significant after excluding from the analysis sharing episodes with estrous females. These results strongly suggest that wild chimpanzees exchange meat for sex, and do so on a long-term basis. Similar studies on humans will determine if the direct nutritional benefits that women receive from hunters in foraging societies could also be driving the relationship between reproductive success and good hunting skills.

Humans are well known for their ability to keep track of social debts over extended periods of time, and for their tendency to preferentially cooperate with closely bonded partners. Non-human primates have been shown to cooperate with kin and non-kin, and reciprocate helpful acts. However, there is ongoing debate over whether they keep track of previous interactions and, if so, whether they can do it over extended periods of time, or are constrained to finalize exchanges within a single encounter. In this study, we used 3000 hours of all-day focal follows of wild chimpanzees (Pan troglodytes verus) to investigate whether both females and males reciprocate grooming within a single interaction, throughout the day, or over longer periods of time. We found that grooming was reciprocated more symmetrically when measured on a long-term, rather than on an immediate or short-term basis. Random giving, general allocation of grooming efforts, similarities among individuals and kinship do not appear to explain these highly reciprocal exchanges. Previously collected consecutive focal follows of single individuals revealed that dyads groomed an average of once every 7 days. Our findings strongly suggest that chimpanzees, similar to humans, are able to keep track of past social interactions, at least for a one-week period, and balance services over repeated encounters.

Shariff and Norenzayan (2007) discovered that people allocate more money to anonymous strangers in a dictator game following a scrambled sentence task that involved words with religious meanings. We conducted a direct replication of key elements of Shariff and Norenzayan's (2007) Experiment 2, with some additional changes. Specifically, we (a) collected data from a much larger sample of participants (N = 650); (b) added a second religious priming condition that attempted to prime thoughts of religion less conspicuously; (c) modified the wording of some of their task explanations to avoid deceiving our participants; (d) added a more explicit awareness probe; (e) reduced prime-probe time; and (f) performed statistical analyses that are more appropriate for non-normal data. We did not find a statistically significant effect for religious priming. Additional tests for possible between-subjects moderators of the religious priming effect also yielded nonsignificant results. A small-scale meta-analysis, which included all known studies investigating the effect of religious priming on dictator game offers, suggested that the mean effect size is not different from zero, although the wide confidence intervals indicate that conclusions regarding this effect should be drawn with caution. Finally, we found some evidence of small-study effects: Studies with larger samples tended to produce smaller effects (a pattern consistent with publication bias). Overall, these results suggest that the effects of religious priming on dictator game allocations might be either not reliable or else quite sensitive to differences in methods or in the populations in which the effect has been examined.

Humans are the longest living and slowest growing of all primates. Although most primates are social, humans are highly cooperative and social in ways that likely co-evolved with the slow human life history. In this paper we highlight the role of resource transfers and non-material assistance within and across generations in shaping low human mortality rates. The use of complex cooperative strategies to minimize risk is a necessary precursor for selecting further reductions in mortality rate in late adulthood. In conjunction with changes in the age-profile of production, the impacts of resource transfers and other forms of cooperation on reducing mortality likely played an important role in selection on post-reproductive lifespan throughout human evolution. Using medical data and ethnographic interviews, we explore several types of common risks experienced by Tsimane forager-horticulturalists, and quantify the types and targets of aid. Our results illustrate the importance of transfers in several key domains and suggest that the absence of transfers would greatly increase human mortality rates throughout the life course.

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Investigating the repeatability of trait variation between individuals, that is the amount of individual variation in relation to overall phenotypic variation, indicates an upper level of heritability and reveals whether a given trait may be subject to selection. Labile traits are characterized by high levels of flexibility and consequently low trait repeatability is expected. Indeed, research examining glucocorticoid levels in various non-mammal species found low repeatability scores. However, mammals may be different in this respect as (i) differential maternal care early in life has the potential to prime hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis functioning and (ii) allelic variation affecting hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis functioning has been reported. Individuals often differ from each other in average and/or plastic labile trait expression, two aspects that can be described using a reaction norm approach. Both consistent and flexible reaction norm expression has been argued to serve adaptive purposes, depending on the stability and predictability of environmental conditions. Here, we investigated both trait and reaction norm repeatability of urinary cortisol levels in wild adult male chimpanzees. To capture the expression of the circadian urinary cortisol rhythm of individual males over time, urine samples were collected throughout the day. In total data of 30 males collected over a period of 8 years were included in the dataset. No male was sampled over the whole 8-year period however. We found minor levels of trait repeatability but considerable reaction norm repeatability. This implies a minor role of genetic or priming factors on cortisol excretion, but reveals that males differ consistently in average urinary cortisol levels and the shape of the circadian urinary cortisol rhythm. Relating these results to fitness parameters will provide answers to questions on the adaptive value of reaction norm repeatability of this labile hormonal trait in the future.

Objectives Grooming has important utilitarian and social functions in primates but little is known about grooming and its functional analogues in traditional human societies. We compare human grooming to typical primate patterns to test its hygienic and social functions. Materials and Methods Bayesian phylogenetic analyses were used to derive expected human grooming time given the potential associations between grooming, group size, body size, terrestriality, and several climatic variables across 69 primate species. This was compared against observed times dedicated to grooming, other hygienic behavior and conversation among the Maya, Pumé, Sanöma, Tsimane’, Yanomamö, and Ye’kwana (mean number of behavioral scans = 23,514). Results Expected grooming time for humans was 4% (95% Credible Interval = 0.07%–14%), similar to values observed in primates, based largely on terrestriality and phylogenetic signal (mean λ = 0.56). No other covariates strongly associated with grooming across primates. Observed grooming time across societies was 0.8%, lower than 89% of the expected values. However, the observed times dedicated to any hygienic behavior (3.0%) or ‘vocal grooming’, i.e. conversation (7.3%), fell within the expected range. Conclusions We found (i) that human grooming may be a (recent) phylogenetic outlier when defined narrowly as parasite removal but not defined broadly as personal hygiene, (ii) there was no support for thermoregulatory functions of grooming, and (iii) no support for the ‘vocal grooming’ hypothesis of language having evolved as a less time-consuming means of bonding. Thus, human grooming reflects decreased hygienic needs, but similar social needs compared to primate grooming.

Does religion promote prosocial behaviour? Despite numerous publications that seem to answer this question affirmatively, divergent results from recent meta-analyses and pre-registered replication efforts suggest that the issue is not yet settled. Uncertainty lingers around (i) whether the effects of religious cognition on prosocial behaviour were obtained through implicit cognitive processes, explicit cognitive processes or both and (ii) whether religious cognition increases generosity only among people disinclined to share with anonymous strangers. Here, we report two experiments designed to address these concerns. In Experiment 1, we sought to replicate Shariff and Norenzayan's demonstration of the effects of implicit religious priming on Dictator Game transfers to anonymous strangers; unlike Shariff and Norenzayan, however, we used an online environment where anonymity was virtually assured. In Experiment 2, we introduced a ‘taking’ option to allow greater expression of baseline selfishness. In both experiments, we sought to activate religious cognition implicitly and explicitly, and we investigated the possibility that religious priming depends on the extent to which subjects view God as a punishing, authoritarian figure. Results indicated that in both experiments, religious subjects transferred more money on average than did non-religious subjects. Bayesian analyses supported the null hypothesis that implicit religious priming did not increase Dictator Game transfers in either experiment, even among religious subjects. Collectively, the two experiments furnished support for a small but reliable effect of explicit priming, though among religious subjects only. Neither experiment supported the hypothesis that the effect of religious priming depends on viewing God as a punishing figure. Finally, in a meta-analysis of relevant studies, we found that the overall effect of implicit religious priming on Dictator Game transfers was small and did not statistically differ from zero.