The ageing of the population in the US and elsewhere raises important questions about who will provide long-term care for elderly and disabled people. Current projections indicate that home care workers -most of whom are unskilled, untrained and underpaid -will increasingly absorb responsibility for care. While research to date confirms the demanding aspects of the work and the need for improved working conditions, little is known about how home care workers themselves experience and negotiate their labour on a daily basis. This paper attempts to address this gap by examining how home care workers assign meaning to their 'dirty work'. Qualitative interviews suggest that home care workers have a conflicted, often contradictory, relationship to their labour. Workers identify constraints that compromise their ability to do a good job or to experience their work as meaningful, but they also report several rewards that come from caring for dependent adults. I suggest workers draw dignity from these rewards, especially workers who enter home care after fleeing an alienating service job, within or outside the healthcare industry.

In response to widely documented racial and ethnic disparities in health, clinicians and public health advocates have taken great strides to implement 'culturally competent' care. While laudable, this important policy and intellectual endeavour has suffered from a lack of conceptual clarity and rigour. This paper develops a more careful conceptual model for understanding the role of culture in the clinical encounter, paying particular attention to the relationship between culture, contexts and social structures. Linking Bourdieu's (1977) notion of 'habitus' and William Sewell's (1992) axioms of multiple and intersecting structures, we theorise patient culture in terms of 'hybrid habitus'. This conceptualisation of patient culture highlights three analytical dimensions: the multiplicity of schemas and resources available to patients, their specific patterns of integration and application in specific contexts, and the constitutive role of clinical encounters. The paper concludes with a discussion of directions for future research as well as reforms of cultural competency training courses.

There has been increasing interest in how social stigma affects health care delivery to vulnerable patients but few examples of the dilemmas that may arise for providers who care for stigma-vulnerable populations. Using qualitative data, the authors examine care delivery in a safety-net emergency department where many patients were socially disadvantaged and vulnerable to stigma because of substance use problems. Analysis of our data revealed five themes related to the dilemmas of providing care for this patient population: 1) providers valued assisting vulnerable and underserved patients; 2) providers' interactions with patients could be challenging; 3) providers did not know if substance involved patients provided accurate medical histories; 4) providers were concerned about drug-seeking behavior; and 5) providers had to balance substance-involved patients' needs with the necessity of managing limited resources. We discuss how these themes relate to care dynamics and social stigma in the safety-net setting.

This paper explores the sociological relevance of demanding encounters between doctors and patients. Borrowing from Potter and McKinlay's (2005) reconceptualization of the doctor-patient relationship, we suggest an analytic shift away from `demanding patients' toward `demanding encounters'. Such a shift places provider-patient conflict within a broader sociocultural context, emphasizing constraints facing both doctor and patient as they interact in a clinical setting. Specifically, through an ethnographic study of doctor-patient interactions at the oncology clinic of a US University Hospital, we examine the respective influences of new information technologies and patient consumerism in the production of demanding encounters in oncology. Findings suggest that these interconnected socio-cultural realities, in tandem with patient tendencies to challenge physician judgment or expertise, play a role in demanding encounters. We conclude by considering the implications of demanding encounters for doctors, patients and healthcare organizations.

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