Internet governance evolved in an ad hoc manner and produced a decentralized, regulatory environment that has been shaped by a myriad of public and private organizations. The decentralized nature of this form of Internet governance is now being challenged. New technical, security, and privacy issues have raised political questions concerning whether such loose regulatory coordination can adapt quickly enough to twenty-first-century challenges. Such doubts go well beyond the technical; they reflect profound questions about who should control the Internet. This article examines the issue of Internet governance in light of recent challenges. Discussion is centered on assessing efforts to replace the current decentralized, multistakeholder governance model with a centralized, multilateral model. Trends are examined with reference to efforts by some member states of the International Telecommunication Union to strengthen the role of governments in Internet regulation, especially during negotiations at the 2012 World Conference on International Telecommunications.
New technologies create new challenges for global security that leave even the most militarily powerful countries vulnerable to attack. Countries are gearing up for electronic warfare and, in this realm, the old rules of international conflict either do not apply or have not been developed. Governments have yet to find stable policy solutions to match potential cyber threats. The challenge then is to establish new global norms concerning acceptable behavior in cyberspace. This article analyzes the attempts to construct global cybersecurity norms. It differs from much of the existing literature on norm-construction since it moves beyond the interstate level to examine subnational groups and private sector actors that function as norm entrepreneurs in this policy area. The article posits that while nation states remain central, nonstate actors are playing an increasingly important role in cybersecurity norm-building, supplementing state action, and, to some degree, compensating for state inaction when cooperation reaches an impasse.
During 2005, the European Union and China marked 30 years of diplomatic relations with much fanfare. Celebrations surrounding the anniversary however belied the fact that throughout most of this period the European Union and China remained largely aloof from one another. The strengthening of EU foreign policy over time, as well as the economic reforms and new outward orientation exhibited by China have changed the dynamics of the relationship. Both sides are increasingly recognizing the potential mutual benefits that can be accrued from a closer relationship. This paper assesses EU-China relations from both economic and political perspectives. In terms of economics, it is clear that the EU must build stronger relations with China if it is to accrue the benefits of access to an expanding market with over one billion people. To do so successfully however, the EU will have to reconcile the economic and political components of its foreign policy. The EU continues to challenge the Chinese government to reform its practices on a number of issues including human rights, democratic reform, and Tibet, all of which remain bones of contention. How the EU achieves the balance between political constraints and economic opportunities is the primary focus of this paper.
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