Abstract:Internet governance evolved in an ad hoc manner and produced a decentralized, regulatory environment that has been shaped by a myriad of public and private organizations. The decentralized nature of this form of Internet governance is now being challenged. New technical, security, and privacy issues have raised political questions concerning whether such loose regulatory coordination can adapt quickly enough to twenty-first-century challenges. Such doubts go well beyond the technical; they reflect profound que… Show more
“…Studies of these institutions have been concerned about fragmentation. ICANN in particular has suffered legitimacy challenges from its establishment in 1998, faced venue-shifting efforts by governments such as China or Russia, and skepticism from the European Union on account of formal US government ties and dominance of US-based actors (de Nardis, 2014;Glen, 2014). Meeting places such as the IETF have faced similar criticism.…”
Section: Engineering Network and The Global Internetmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We examine two more outcomes: political structuring and organizational concentration . Starting with the former, scholars have drawn attention to the possibility that engineers in internet governance networks might come under governmental pressure to act in certain ways (Carr, 2015; Glen, 2014; Mueller, 2017). Mueller (2017) provides the example of engineers from China‐based academic and private organizations proposing a nationally controlled domain name system in the IETF.…”
Section: Political Structuring and Organizational Concentrationmentioning
Is the internet at risk of fragmentation? Whereas the literature has examined this question with a focus on domestic policies, communication standards, and internet governance institutions, we analyze fragmentation and alternative outcomes in transnational engineering networks. These networks constitute the social foundations of the unified or ‘global’ internet. Our contributions include: (1) broadening the debate beyond fragmentation‐related network outcomes to include political structuring and organizational concentration; and (2) new evidence from an important engineering network around the Internet Engineering Task Force comprising thousands of participants and over four decades. Our analyses reveal fast and continuous network growth as well as clear signs of growing concentration of the network around a few major companies. A key implication is that, at the level of engineering networks, concerns about internet fragmentation might be unfounded and might distract from more salient developments such as organizational concentration.
“…Studies of these institutions have been concerned about fragmentation. ICANN in particular has suffered legitimacy challenges from its establishment in 1998, faced venue-shifting efforts by governments such as China or Russia, and skepticism from the European Union on account of formal US government ties and dominance of US-based actors (de Nardis, 2014;Glen, 2014). Meeting places such as the IETF have faced similar criticism.…”
Section: Engineering Network and The Global Internetmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…We examine two more outcomes: political structuring and organizational concentration . Starting with the former, scholars have drawn attention to the possibility that engineers in internet governance networks might come under governmental pressure to act in certain ways (Carr, 2015; Glen, 2014; Mueller, 2017). Mueller (2017) provides the example of engineers from China‐based academic and private organizations proposing a nationally controlled domain name system in the IETF.…”
Section: Political Structuring and Organizational Concentrationmentioning
Is the internet at risk of fragmentation? Whereas the literature has examined this question with a focus on domestic policies, communication standards, and internet governance institutions, we analyze fragmentation and alternative outcomes in transnational engineering networks. These networks constitute the social foundations of the unified or ‘global’ internet. Our contributions include: (1) broadening the debate beyond fragmentation‐related network outcomes to include political structuring and organizational concentration; and (2) new evidence from an important engineering network around the Internet Engineering Task Force comprising thousands of participants and over four decades. Our analyses reveal fast and continuous network growth as well as clear signs of growing concentration of the network around a few major companies. A key implication is that, at the level of engineering networks, concerns about internet fragmentation might be unfounded and might distract from more salient developments such as organizational concentration.
“…Lambach 2020, pp. 486-487;Glen 2014;Pohle and Thiel 2020;Goldsmith and Wu 2006). An important reason why the internet has become a central site for giving expression to the new practices of territorial sovereignty is that it is a prime example of a system-level technology.…”
Section: K 3 How System-level Technological Innovation Conflicts With Global Governancementioning
Technology is of crucial importance for understanding the recent crisis of global governance and concomitant practices of re-territorializing sovereignty. It is far more than an instrument for putting ideas and interests into practice; it is embedded in relationships of power, gives expression to normative decisions and shapes the conditions under which politics is conducted. Technology empowers some actors and disempowers others. It makes new forms of political action possible and others more costly. This crucial role of technology has been emphasized in many dispersed parts of the IR discourse since long. What has often been overlooked, however, is that technological innovation can have a disruptive effect on international institutions. This paper traces this disruptive effect in the administration of the internet by underlining the close nexus between technology, sovereignty and global governance. It finally discusses promising avenues for future research.
“…Drawing on examples from western, mainly America-based platforms (Srnicek, 2016;Bucher and Helmond, 2018) and increasingly so, Chinese platforms (Jia and Winseck, 2018), scholars contend that platform companies' interests and power are extended and expanded into our social experience and ways of living (van Dijck, Poell and de Waal, 2014;Nieborg and Helmond, 2019). The second stream focuses on the state's governance and regulation of platform to reinforce the state's political power domestically and abroad (Glen, 2014;Nocetti, 2015). China has been frequently cited for its governments' active usage of platforms to provide infrastructural utility (Chen and Qiu, 2019), national imagination and ideological construction (Wang and Lobato, 2019), and economic transformation (Hong, 2017).…”
Section: Towards a Sociomaterials Approach Of Platform Studiesmentioning
This article examines the social-commercial activity of microcommerce ( wei shang), which has become popular on Weixin (WeChat), one of the most popular messenger applications/social app installed on smartphones in China. By drawing on the notion of platform affordances and data collected from mixed methods centered on the analysis of primary and secondary data, we contend that microcommerce embodies Weixin’s structural (political economy) and cultural (social lives and norms) qualities in China. While microcommerce might have emerged from Weixin’s ecosystem, which is defined by corporate interest and state’s regulatory power, the practice of microcommerce is embedded within the traditional Chinese notion of shuren guanxi (familiar, non-stranger social relational) networks. This article puts forward a sociomaterial approach as a possible conceptual complement to the existing political economy approach of platform studies to call for greater attention to the intersection and interaction between the structural arrangements and social conditions of platform media.
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