requiere un esfuerzo previo de revisión y puesta al día de las antiguas ediciones de los epígrafes, además de la incorporación de otros muchos. Se ofrece aquí la edición, traducción y estudio de seis inscripciones árabes, todas trabajadas sobre mármol, inéditas unas y conocidas otras sólo en parte. La lectura de sus inscripciones aporta datos históricos y onomásticos de cierta importancia. Entre las novedades epigráficas, el estudio subraya los aspectos propios del cúfico de época taifa en la zona oriental de al-Andalus, proporciona dos alfabetos de lápidas datadas y relaciona con el poder político establecido la adopción por el pueblo de nuevos modelos caligráficos.
This article presents a study of the expansion of Islamic lusterware across the Mediterranean before its production was fully consolidated in al-Andalus between the end of the twelfth and the thirteenth century. A number of examples are presented here that indicate a flourishing trade around the Mediterranean as early as the tenth century, including pottery as well as other luxury goods. A survey of lusterware found on the Iberian Peninsula has yielded relevant information on the complex technical history of local luster production. We present seven Andalusi luster fragments from the eleventh century that feature decoration on both sides, with one piece bearing epigraphic inscriptions naming two of the Abbadid rulers of Seville, al-Muʿtaḍid and al-Muʿtamid. Discovered in Spain (Seville and Palma del Rio) and Portugal (Silves and Coimbra), these fragments indicate the existence of a ceramic production center in Seville and another at the Abbadid palace during the second half of the eleventh century. These pieces indicate the direct and marked influence that the various centers of luxury luster production in the Islamic East and West exerted on one another, a phenomenon not uncommon in the history of Islamic pottery.
En fechas recientes he dedicado varios trabajos a estudiar el topó-nimo valenciano Morvedre 1 , nombre antiguo de la actual Sagunto. Esto me ha llevado a replantearme el problema de la identificación y localización de los hipotéticos «Sagunto» que aparecen en las fuentes árabes al narrar sendas revueltas acaecidas en los años 172/778-789 y 317/929-930.Mi punto de partida se sigue basando en el hecho de que la existencia de un doblete Sagunto-Morvedre sería un insólito caso andalusí de uso simultáneo de dos denominaciones romances; una de ellas, además, ofrecería grafías dispares en las crónicas (Š×gnt, Bs×'t en 172; Smgws, Šgwns en 317). Por otro lado, en la descripción de al-Andalus de al-R×zê (m. 344/955) se llama al lugar Morvedre, nunca Sagunto.Me ocuparé del tema ahora para ofrecer nuevas propuestas, distintas a las que presenté en su día para localizar esos lugares 2 . 2 Barceló, C., "¿Galgos o podencos? Sobre la supuesta berberización del País Valenciano en los siglos VIII y IX", Al-Qan÷ara, XI (1990), 429-460, en especial 444-446 y 456-457.
El término mozárabe se ha convertido en una expresión trivial, resultado de una mención insistente y reiterada en publicaciones eruditas y divulgativas desde hace más de un siglo. A pesar de ello, lo que se sabe de cierto sobre el tema es poco, bien se trate de aspectos culturales, sociales o literarios, bien de religiosos, económicos o lingüísticos. Los estudios centrados en tierras valencianas se caracterizan -salvo excepción-por ser acumulativos (de noticias irrelevantes y analizadas con poco juicio crítico), especulativos (generalizando y atribuyendo luego a la zona lo que se supone ocurrió en el resto de la Península) y, además, poco abundantes ^ De acuerdo con la costumbre establecida por quienes se ocupan del tema, hay que comenzar por la definición y análisis del término. Tanto el ca-
An analysis of a marble tombstone in London’s Victoria & Albert Museum, which was acquired in its entirety in Cordova (Spain) in 1916, has provided information on some of the slaves freed by the hajib Muhammad b. Abi 'Amir, better known as al-Mansur, and the activities and the lives they led in his court in the Umayyad capital of al-Andalus. A careful study of the marble slab’s internal and external characteristics yields the following conclusion: that this piece possibly served as a gravestone for a young male child that died in the year 374 H/985 CE, son of a relative or fictitious member of the family of al-Mansur, whose genealogy is reflected in the deceased child’s nasab, which reads “son of Muhammad al-'Amiri.” To arrive at this conclusion, it was necessary to gather as much information as possible regarding all the persons in al-Andalus using the nisbah al-'Amiri, culling data from chronicles, biographies, and artistic and literary sources. This analysis revealed two lineages: Some uses of the name seemed to be associated with ancient Arab tribes from the North (Qahtanids) and the South ('Adnanids), but most seem to be linked to the wala’ system of patronage, especially those slaves of the court of al-Mansur at the end of the 10th century under the Umayyad Caliphate of Cordova. This relationship with al-Mansur is further attested by the presence of the nisbah al-'Amiri in surviving epigraphic texts carved in architectural elements made of marble in Cordovan palaces and ivory pieces produced during the Caliphate. In these pieces, which are now key works in the history of Islamic art in Spain, the nisbah al-'Amiri is linked to slave chiefs (mawla) who supervised and coordinated the production of artistic objects on behalf of the Caliph.
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