th century was one of nationalist effervescence in europe, embodied by the implantation of the institutions of the French Revolution and by the development of the forces of production through the Industrial Revolution in england. the new World rupture with the colonial process derives from the emanations of these revolutions. What emerges is a collection of nations with varied genetic processes and distinct patterns of construction.the virtuous combination of these two revolutions prospers in the union of the thirteen colonies that comprise the united states of north america. the european transhumance occupies Indian territories, forming family-owned ranching properties. Manpower shortages give rise to a labor market that values the wage. after the Civil War, the united states consolidates a dynamic internal market that integrates ranching/farming and industrialization. Haiti soon follows suit, winning independence after a slave revolt and protracted conflict with French troops. Bolívar is a revolutionary attuned to his age: he dreams of a Hispanoamerican republic wrought of the former provinces. He affirms, somewhat presciently, that only through such a union could Latin america strike a balance with the anglo-saxon north. However, his dreams of a Hispano-american Republic are dashed by localist centrifugal forces inherited from the colonial period.Latin america will give rise to a fragmentation of political forms, almost all precarious. Local conflicts, seeded by the fragile institutions inherited from spain, mean there are no conditions for the prompt constitution of the Hispanoamerican nation states. In some cases, disorder and drawn-out, interwoven disputes prevail. the formation of the states was tardy and riddled with retrocessions. various border disputes escalate into wars between the fledgling nations. the new World presents the observer with an array of nationalisms and national specificities whose development defies generalizations. the formation of Brazil follows a political course radically different to the Hispano-american nations. though it, too, derives from the context engendered by the european revolutionary wave, it is a Lusitanian replica wholly divorced from its enlightenment rhetoric and republican ideals. the national Brazilian empire holds Luso-america together, incorporating neither the industrialization nor the institutional models of those two revolutions. the republican ideal fails to prosper in mid-century and will only find its voice with the Republican Manifesto of 1871. Independent Brazil preserves and reinvigorates the institution of slavery and installs a monarchy with the heir to the Portuguese Crown on the throne.
The two parts of this article (the first was pub lished in CEPAL Review, N.° 7) constitute a systematic attempt to present and analyse critically the major approaches in 'official eco nomics1 to the theory of economic policy. Part One was devoted to L. Robbins; this part seeks to outline the foundations o f 'welfare économ ies1 and the latest neoclassical positions on the construction of econometric models. The author argues that the various neo classical approaches represent attempts to overcome the incompatibility of the two main objectives pursued on the one hand, to cons truct a universal and a historical scientific theory to justify the status quo; and on the other, to understand the real world and its changes in order to provide the dominant interests with the operational means for them to be able to tackle economic policy problems effectively. 'Welfare economics1 and the 'blac box' of econometric models are two clearly different theoretical and practical alternatives, al though divergences exist with them. The author explores the two, and their variants, in detail, and stresses the similarities between them which stem from their common neo classical origins and are primarily visible in their views on the nature of the State and society, and the roles these should play in eco nomic policy. * F o n n e r s ta ff m e m b e r o f th e L a tin A m e ric a n In s titu te fo r E c o n o m ic a n d S o cial P la n n in g a n d p ro fesso r in th e U n iv e rs ity o f C a m p in h a s (B razil).
A professora Fania, do IPPUR, da UFRJ, publicou um compacto e extenuante ensaio sobre um bairro judeu que se estruturou nas primeiras décadas do Brasil republicano e que foi, em grande parte, demolido pela abertura da atual Avenida Presidente Vargas. Com rigor acadêmico e pesquisa paciente e cuidadosa, Fania situou o bairro na Praça Onze e desvelou a dinâmica daquele lugar. A partir da conceituação de cidade, comunidade, bairro, colônia e "micro-território", reconstituiu sua dinâmica desde os primórdios coloniais do Século XVII até a drástica remodelação da cidade, nos anos 30. Fez referência às primeiras levas de migrantes judeus para o Ri o de Janeiro, num espaço que alguém já denominou Turquia Pequena. Talvez seja essa conurbação - no espaço entre as atuais ruas Bueno Aires, da Alfândega e Senhor dos Passos - de sírio-libaneses e judeus sefaradins, ambos com passaportes do império otomano, que tenha dado origem, a partir do caixeiro-viajante, à expressão genérica e amistosa de "turco", em todo o interior brasileiro.
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