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This article addresses Salazarism's attitudes towards women and women's organizations, providing some elements that may be used in comparisons with the other dictatorships (e.g. Italian Fascism) that inspired, to some extent, some of the Portuguese New State's institutions.If the southern European dictatorships of the inter-war period have anything in common, it is their attitudes towards women (Bock and Cova 2003). Initiated during a period of democratization, of the emergence of feminist movements, and the significant increase of women in the labour market, all of these dictatorships paid homage to 'women at home', and glorified 'motherhood' and the family in its primordial function (Offen 2000;Bock 2001). These dictatorships were at the same time confronted with the 'problem' of the integration of women into politics. Some elevated this function to a nationalist goal and an important means of mobilizing their regimes.

This chapter provides an overview of cultural practices in mango production. Specific topics that are covered consisted of: production areas and yields, climate of production areas, soils and soil preparation, plant propagation and rootstocks, major cultivars, plant spacing, fertilizer practices, irrigation practices, vegetative growth and reproduction manipulation, environmental stress management, and harvesting practices.

This article considers four dictatorships that have each been associated with European fascism: Portuguese Salazarism, Spanish Francoism, Italian Fascism and German National Socialism. It seeks to ascertain the ‘locus’ of political decision-making authority, the composition and the recruitment channels of the dictatorships' ministerial elites during the fascist era. The interaction between the single party, the government, the state apparatus and civil society appears fundamental if we are to achieve an understanding of the different ways in which the various dictatorships of the fascist era functioned. The party and its ancillary organisations were not simply parallel institutions: they attempted to gain control of the bureaucracy and select the governing elite – forcing some dictatorships towards an unstable equilibrium in the process, even while they were the central agents for the creation and maintenance of the leader's charismatic authority. The article focuses on an analysis of the gradations of these tensions that may be illustrated by the eventual emergence of a weaker or stronger ‘dualism of power’. This ‘dualism of power’ appears to be the determining factor in explanations for the typological and classificatory variations used to qualify those dictatorships that have been historically associated with fascism, and which have been variously defined as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘totalitarian’, or as ‘authoritarian’ and ‘fascist’.

This paper provides an empirical analysis of the impact of regime changes in the composition and patterns of recruitment of the Portuguese ministerial elite throughout the last 150 years. The 'out-of-type', violent nature of most regime transformations accounts for the purges in and the extensive replacements of the political personnel, namely of the uppermost officeholders. In the case of Cabinet members, such discontinuities did not imply, however, radical changes in their social profile. Although there were some significant variations, a series of salient characteristics have persisted over time. The typical Portuguese minister is a male in his midforties, of middle-class origin and predominantly urban-born, highly educated and with a state servant background. The two main occupational contingents have been university professors -except for the First

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The Portuguese military coup of 25 April 1974 was the beginning of the 'third wave' of democratic transitions in Southern Europe. Unshackled by international pro-democratizing forces and occurring in the midst of the Cold War, the coup led to a severe crisis of the state that was aggravated by the simultaneous processes of transition to democracy and de-colonization of what was the last European colonial empire. This article analyses how Portugal's political élite and society struggled with two aspects of the authoritarian legacies of the 'Estado Novo' during the transition: the élite and the institutions associated with the dictatorship. The nature of the Portuguese transition and the consequent state crises created a 'window of opportunity' in which the 'reaction to the past' was much stronger in Portugal than in the other Southern European transitions. In fact, the transition's powerful dynamic in itself served to constitute a legacy for the consolidation of democracy.