This study discusses the voter behavior that influence the fluctuation of political party voters changing in the 2009, 2014 and 2019 legislative elections. The undestanding of political parties with a rational voter behavior approach is carried out to detect the relationship of political parties performance to the people's choices in the Indonesia Legislative elections. However, the Indonesian voters behavior cannot be caracterized absolutely rational, because the sociological and the psychological voter behavior also strongly influences Indonesian voters, and even influences one another. This case study found that the behavior of Indonesian voters is volatile. loyal voters in the 2014 general election are predicted to only amount 20%. In the 2019 elections, loyal party voters tended to be stable due to several factors, 1) The political bipolarization between supporters of the Jokowi-Maruf and Probowo-Sandi pair, 2) high public satisfaction with the performance of the Jokowi-JK government, 3) stable public trust in government and opposition parties and 4) holding legislative elections in conjunction with the presidential election. This condition can be seen from the motives of political party voters who choose because of several main factors, namely figures, ideology and political work programs.Penelitian ini mendiskusikan tentang perilaku pemilih yang mempengaruhi perubahan suara partai politik pada pemilu legislatif 2009, 2014, dan 2019. Pendalaman partai politik dengan pendekatan perilaku pemilih rasional dilakukan untuk mendeteksi hubungan kinerja partai politik terhadap perilaku pemilih pada pemilu Legislatif di Indonesia. Meski demikian, perilaku pemilih Indonesia tidak dapat dikatakan rasional secara mutlak, karena perilaku pemilih sosiologis dan psikologis juga masih kuat mempengaruhi pemilih Indonesia, bahkan saling mempengaruhi antara satu dengan yang lainnya . Studi kasus ini menemukan bahwa perilaku pemilih Indonesia bersifat fluktuatif. pemilih loyal di Indonesia pada pemilu 2014 diprediksi hanya berjumlah 20%. Pada pemilu 2019 pemilih loyal partai cenderung stabil karena didorong oleh beberapa faktor, yaitu 1) bipolarisasi politik antara pendukung pasangan Jokowi-Maruf dan Probowo-Sandi, 2) tingginya kepuasan masyarakat pada kinerja pemerintahan Jokowi-JK, 3) stabilnya kepercayaan publik pada partai pemerintah maupun partai oposisi dan 4) pelaksanaan pemilu legislatif yang bersamaan dengan pemilu presiden. Kondisi ini terlihat dari motif pemilih partai politik yang memilih karena beberapa faktor utama yaitu faktor figur, Ideologi dan program kerja.
This paper examines how domestic interest of political actors in particular country may spark conflict and create reconciliation with other country. The case of the Preah Vihear border temple dispute between Cambodia and Thailand in 2008-2011 shows that distinctive political interest within each country has made the the relation of both countries in up and down situation, in term of escalating conflict or initiating reconciliation, in that period of time. By discussing the interest of Cambodia’s political actor represented by Prime Minister Hun Sen with the Cambodian's People Party (CPP) and Thailand’s elites represented by Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva with the Democracy Party (PD) and, later, by Yingluck Shinawatra with the Pheu Thai Party, the article argues that Preah Vihear conflict has been used by these political actors for their domestic political gains. Based on this study, it can be concluded that a border conflict can be basically influenced by political actor interest to maintain or gain domestic power. By underlining the domestic political actor interest, this study gives a different dimension compare to other studies at the same topic that tend to explain the conflict by using descriptive or chronological approach.
This paper examines the impact of COVID-19 on higher education institutions in Indonesia and the United States using qualitative document analysis dedicated to higher education institutions. The findings suggest that the perplexing problems found in higher education institutions have downcutting the ability to achieve equal distribution of quality education, and the crisis caused by COVID-19 has made higher education less accessible specifically towards under-privilege students. Hence, the utilization of EdTech is pivotal in creating equal access and distribution in higher education. It is expected that the prevalent use of such technology is expected to stick in the long run.
Pertumbuhan ekonomi dan urbanisasi telah memicu permasalahan sampah perkotaan yang tidak terkendali. Perkembangan kajian sejak tahun 1990-an menunjukkan bahwa implementasi tata kelola sampah tidak dapat dicapai tanpa tata kelola kolaboratif. Penelitian terkait tantangan bagaimana meningkatkan partisipasi masing-masing pemangku kepentingan menjadi penting dalam kajian tata kelola sampah kota berkelanjutan. Untuk itu, tinjauan literatur dilakukan, dimana 22 artikel terkait dianalisis untuk mendapatkan pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang tata kelola sampah kota secara berkelanjutan. Kemudian memetakan hubungan antara pemerintah, swasta dan masyarakat sebagai faktor penentu keberhasilan pengelolaan. Tantangan yang ditemukan oleh berbagai peneliti sejauh ini adalah kolaborasi antar pemangku kepentingan tersebut. Analisis artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa tidak ada solusi tunggal dalam tata kelola sampah kota. Akan tetapi, kerja sama antar pemangku kepentingan dapat menawarkan peluang terbaik untuk menciptakan tata kelola yang sesuai. Beberapa perubahan perilaku pemangku kepentingan dibutuhkan dari hulu hingga hilir pengelolaan sampah. Berdasarkan tinjauan literatur ini, kajian tata kelola sampah kota berkelanjutan telah berkembang hingga tahap pembahasan berbagai permasalahan, tanggung jawab dan hubungan dari tiga pemangku kepentingan utama. Penelitian lanjutan mengenai peran kemitraan publik-swasta khususnya di tingkat lokal diperlukan, terutama berkaitan dengan peningkatan kualitas pendidikan dan kesadaran masyarakat dalam mengelola sampah berkelanjutan.
This study examines how the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted five developing Asian countries in terms of food security policies, particularly in Malaysia, Thailand, Saudi Arabia, Nepal, and Indonesia. These five countries have several differences, such as population, the quantity of main imported foods, food self-sufficiency policies, and natural resource conditions. This research uses a qualitative approach with literature study methods. The study shows that each country's initial policies in response to COVID-19, especially in terms of transportation mobility restriction, has impacted on food distribution. Domestic food stocks, subsidies, and government financial assistance are considered capable of maintaining food security temporarily. Nevertheless, domestic policies alone will not be sufficient to maintain and ensure long-term availability, affordability, and safety of food products. This study concludes that the optimization of local food production and imported food products is essential to maintain the balance of the supply chain of food in the country.
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