Xinjiang and China's Rise in Central Asia - A History

Clarke, Michael

doi:10.4324/9780203831113

Cited by 71 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…O ressurgimento de movimentos radicais islâmicos na região aumentou a identificação por parte das minorias étnicas na China, em especial os uigures, da Região Autônoma Uigur de Xinjiang, com os povos vizinhos. A liberalização de práticas culturais e religiosas para minorias étnicas chinesas já havia sido promovida desde o início da década de 1980, reflexo das reformas de 1978, que romperam com os princípios previamente estabelecidos pela Revolução Cultural e que, somadas à substituição do discurso marxista-leninista pelo do crescimento econômico como estrutura legitimadora do PCCh, provocaria a redução no controle do partido sobre as minorias étnicas (Clarke, 2011).…”

Section: Uigur Uma Minoria éTnica Sob Influência Do Radicalismo Islâunclassified

“…Em decorrência dos atos do governo, uigures e quirguizes iniciaram um protesto pela independência de Xinjiang e pela formação da República do Turquestão Oriental. Surgia o Movimento Islâmico do Turquestão Oriental (Mito), também identificado como Partido Islâmico do Turquestão (PIT), após o líder da rebelião de Baren, uma cidade da Prefeitura Autônoma Kizilsu Quirguiz, 10 Zahideen Yusuf, declarar uma jihad contra o Estado chinês (Clarke, 2011). O pleito pela criação de um estado evidenciava a influência dos movimentos políticos islâmicos da Ásia Central e do Afeganistão, e anunciava os desafios a serem enfrentados pelo PCCh para manter sua integridade territorial após o fim da URSS, em um momento em que sofria pressões internacionais pela repressão aos protestos da Praça Tiananmen no ano anterior e, por isso, em um contexto que o uso de meios repressivos não seria tolerado internacionalmente.…”

Section: Uigur Uma Minoria éTnica Sob Influência Do Radicalismo Islâunclassified

See 1 more Smart Citation

Panturquismo Em Xinjiang E Na Ásia Central: Entre O Separatismo E a Integração

Vieira

2020

Lua Nova

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Resumo A manutenção da estabilidade social tem sido considerada pelo Partido Comunista Chinês (PCCh) condição primordial para a manutenção de sua hegemonia nacional, porém, a repressão à minoria étnica uigur tem alimentado pleitos separatistas. Este artigo analisa o desenvolvimento do movimento radical islâmico na China e sua interação com outros grupos da Ásia Central e com a repressão estatal. Primeiro aborda o desenvolvimento da atuação extremista de grupos islâmicos na Ásia Central para, na segunda parte, analisar sua interação com o movimento separatista uigur; e, na terceira e quarta partes, discute as estratégias de desenvolvimento e repressão empregadas pelo PCCh para a dissuasão do ímpeto separatista. Conclui-se que o radicalismo islâmico da Ásia Central e os conflitos étnicos são fontes de instabilidade que podem ameaçar a integridade territorial e os projetos de integração chineses. Contudo, reprimir a cultura, religião e costumes uigures e banalizar o conceito de terrorismo pode provocar um efeito reverso ao esperado por parte do PCCh, estimulando a radicalização dos grupos separatistas.

show abstract

Section: Uigur Uma Minoria éTnica Sob Influência Do Radicalismo Islâunclassified

Panturquismo Em Xinjiang E Na Ásia Central: Entre O Separatismo E a Integração

Vieira

2020

Lua Nova

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Belt One Road' initiative, which includes the idea of a 'Silk Road Economic Belt'. 34 Second, it was hoped that Central Asian countries would view China's economic influence as benign, rather than violating their sovereignty. Third, interdependence with Central Asia would be highly asymmetrical, allowing China to grow into an indispensable partner.…”

Section: Intermestic Security Challengesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intermestic security challenges: Managing transnational bonds

Friedrichs

2018

Eur j.of int. secur.

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Intermestic security challenges arise when there is concern in a country that a dissatisfied minority relies on transnational bonds with a foreign kin group for support. They result from ethnic and/or ideological affinities translating into foreign support seen as problematic, and they are aggravated when the dissatisfied minority is able to raise territorial claims. This can lead to complications not only in domestic politics, but also in international relations (hence, the term ‘intermestic’). Intermestic challenges can escalate into civil war and other political calamities, but they can also be managed by governments. This article develops a theoretical model and discusses it with regard to China and its Muslim-majority neighbouring countries. To the west of China, transnational bonds of Uyghur Muslims in Xinjiang with co-ethnics and coreligionists in Central Asia, Pakistan, and Afghanistan complicate Chinese relations with those countries. In the southeast, transnational bonds of ethnic Chinese in Indonesia and Malaysia with their ancestral homeland have complicated Indonesian and Malaysian relations with China. While the cases have followed different trajectories, Beijing has managed either challenge rather successfully. The theoretical model developed and the management strategies discussed are likely to be useful in other contexts.

show abstract

“…Although violence in Xinjiang has been at a much lower level than in Afghanistan, what one leading scholar in the field has termed "organized protests and violent events" have punctuated the history of modern Xinjiang and persist down to the present. 4 In the twenty-first century by far the most serious of these were violent incidents that occurred on 5 July 2009, with official Chinese estimates putting the number of dead at 197. The causes are hotly debated (see contributions in [11], [12] and [13]), but less controversial is the wide-ranging effects on Xinjiang society.…”

Section: Xinjiang Backgroundmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, the focus is on history, economics and on the region as a home to significant ethnic minorities, especially the Uighurs, 2 on ethnic relations, disturbances and tensions, and ethnic cultures. 3 While there are studies of Xinjiang's links with Central Asia (for example [4]), there is still a dearth of research on Xinjiang's function in China's overall international relations. This article aspires to contribute to the literature by filling a part of this gap.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Xinjiang in China’s Foreign Relations: Part of a New Silk Road or Central Asian Zone of Conflict?

Mackerras

2015

East Asia

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This paper analyses how the situation in China's most northwestern province-level unit Xinjiang has affected China's overall foreign relations since disturbances in its capital Ürümqi in July 2009. Xinjiang's most populous ethnic group is the mostly-Muslim Uighurs. The paper assumes a framework that puts a high priority on China's facing west. Though no more important than the eastward-looking foreign policy that has dominated Western analysis, the paper sees China's facing-west perspective as deserving more attention than it has received. Russia and Central Asian countries have been positive about China's economic aims in the region. However, friction has increased with China's rise, Chinese authorities tending to blame Xinjiang's disturbances on Islamism in Central Asia. China resents the United States for giving asylum to Rebiya Kadeer, president of the anti-China World Uyghur Congress. In 2011, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton pushed the idea of a "New Silk Road" in Central Asia for peaceful economic development. China has long espoused the "Silk Road" idea, developing its own "Silk Road Economic Belt." Damaged due to the 2009 riots, the China-Turkey relationship has improved because of various visits and agreements since 2010. The paper balances the dominantly economic "Silk Road" concept against Islamist terrorism. It argues that the aims of the "Silk Road" and "Silk Road Economic Belt" are sensible and practical, with positive economic relations the main trend. However, though the Central Asian "zone of conflict" is a lesser trend, tensions are serious and long-term, especially those caused by Islamism and Islamist terrorism. Keywords Xinjiang • Silk Road • China's foreign relations • United States • Central Asia • Uighurs Most importantly, in September 2013, President Xi Jinping gave a major speech at Nazarbayev University in Astana, capital of Kazakhstan, in which he proposed a "Silk Road Economic Belt". This would promote economic and cultural linkages over the Eurasian continent, especially trade and investment, and road and other networks [8]. In October 2014, a memorandum of understanding was issued in Beijing for a Chinadominated Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, which would contribute to realizing the vision not only of the Silk Road Economic Belt but also a Maritime Silk Road. Xi Jinping's proposal looks to greater Chinese influence in Central Asia that will rival, or at least balance, the American concept that Hillary Clinton had suggested earlier. It has great appeal, both outside China and domestically. As one scholar puts out, the term

show abstract

Xinjiang and China's Rise in Central Asia - A History

Cited by 71 publications

References 0 publications

Panturquismo Em Xinjiang E Na Ásia Central: Entre O Separatismo E a Integração

Panturquismo Em Xinjiang E Na Ásia Central: Entre O Separatismo E a Integração

Intermestic security challenges: Managing transnational bonds

Xinjiang in China’s Foreign Relations: Part of a New Silk Road or Central Asian Zone of Conflict?

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About