Abstract:Rio de Janeiro’s police officers habitually work on the edge of a border – between rationalised and ordered routines on one hand, and risk, disorder and incipient violence on the other. The article argues that this edge has distinct emotional components and concrete spatial consequences for the production of the city as a bordered space. Conceptually, the article combines spatial thinking about the production of territoriality with an emotional understanding of the police as ‘edgeworkers’ grounded in cultural … Show more
“…Doing research with the police also means to consider that these offi cers are oft en involved in situations where they are criticized, are declared as enemies, and are themselves both the targets and articulators of violence (Pauschinger 2019). Rio's police kill and spread fear more than many other police forces, but are also killed much more frequently than in many other cities.…”
Section: Doing Research In the Olympic Citymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, the invisible that has always existed turned visible for him. Yet, police offi cers of the Special Forces, who are essentially those that produce spectacle in the respective territories, who procure a way out of their everyday emotional dilemma of sensing their very police work as a vocation but expose themselves to deadly risks while carrying out their work, are thus both the products and producers of Rio's urban confl ict (Pauschinger 2019).…”
Section: Camoufl Age: "Th Ey Armor the Events"mentioning
This article reconsiders sport mega-event security in the context of the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro. The article essentially argues that the mega-event organizers used a security spectacle to camouflage Rio’s politics of death in the many favelas and peripheral neighborhoods. Conceptually, this contribution centralizes different notions of spectacle and camouflage and situates both in the history of violent and racial policing of the poor in Brazil. Empirically, the piece explores, across three sections, how (1) the city was transformed into a spectacular fortress by adapting standardized mega-event security measures to the specific public security conditions in Rio; (2) the Olympic fortress was nonetheless selectively porous and permeable; and (3) the spectacle served to camouflage the other wise deadly police deployments of socio-spatial patterns along lines of class and racial inequalities.
“…Doing research with the police also means to consider that these offi cers are oft en involved in situations where they are criticized, are declared as enemies, and are themselves both the targets and articulators of violence (Pauschinger 2019). Rio's police kill and spread fear more than many other police forces, but are also killed much more frequently than in many other cities.…”
Section: Doing Research In the Olympic Citymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, the invisible that has always existed turned visible for him. Yet, police offi cers of the Special Forces, who are essentially those that produce spectacle in the respective territories, who procure a way out of their everyday emotional dilemma of sensing their very police work as a vocation but expose themselves to deadly risks while carrying out their work, are thus both the products and producers of Rio's urban confl ict (Pauschinger 2019).…”
Section: Camoufl Age: "Th Ey Armor the Events"mentioning
This article reconsiders sport mega-event security in the context of the 2014 FIFA World Cup and the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro. The article essentially argues that the mega-event organizers used a security spectacle to camouflage Rio’s politics of death in the many favelas and peripheral neighborhoods. Conceptually, this contribution centralizes different notions of spectacle and camouflage and situates both in the history of violent and racial policing of the poor in Brazil. Empirically, the piece explores, across three sections, how (1) the city was transformed into a spectacular fortress by adapting standardized mega-event security measures to the specific public security conditions in Rio; (2) the Olympic fortress was nonetheless selectively porous and permeable; and (3) the spectacle served to camouflage the other wise deadly police deployments of socio-spatial patterns along lines of class and racial inequalities.
“…We consider that (1) the State is a set of heterogeneous actors and institutions, and not a monolithic power (Sharma and Gupta, 2009) ; (2) that it has to dispute its monopoly of violence with other actors (Elias, 1939(Elias, /2000North, 2009); and (3) that it does so within specific territories in which conflicts emerge (Pinto and Do Carmo, 2016;Wacquant et al, 2014;Zittoun, 2014). Applying these definitions to the frontline workers, while some of them are expected to deal directly with situations of violence, such as police officers (Epp et al, 2017;Nicholson-Croty et al, 2017) and those tackling issues such as violence against children or women (Frattaroli and Teret, 2006;Hong, 2016;Levenson and D'Amora, 2007;Morin, 2013;Pauschinger, 2019;Riccucci et al, 2014;Rivera and Ward, 2017). Other workers who implement policies not directly related to violence can be affected by it, having to deal with situations of criminality or violence.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Contemporary studies, inheriting the problem from classic sources, have been trying to understand how the State deals with the monitoring of its monopoly on legitimate violence (Johansen, 2019; Kyed, 2019; Morin, 2013; Pauschinger, 2019; Reid-Henry, 2015; Rivera and Ward, 2017) and with challenges in controlling social violence. This includes research on borders and their intersection with violence and conflict (Brambilla and Jones, 2019; Jones, 2015; Schindel, 2019; Weber, 2012), the relationship between institutions, violence, and crime (Barnes, 2017; Vigneswaran, 2014), narco-traffic (Ballvé, 2012; Warburg and Jensen, 2018), and terrorism (Ezcurra, 2017).…”
This paper aims to understand the multiple strategies developed by frontline workers to deal with situations of violence in vulnerable territories. We analyze the micro-dynamics within which workers operate to understand how the State deals with violence. Empirically, we analyzed data from interviews with 140 frontline workers implementing different policies not directly related to violence in neighborhoods located in the city of Sao Paulo, Brazil, known for their populations’ precariousness and vulnerability. The results expand the understanding of the different ways in which violence expresses itself in these places and show that the reactions developed by frontline workers are more complex than those suggested by the existing literature. The multiple violence to which these workers are exposed is used and manipulated by them in various ways during policy implementation. Frontline workers can ignore, negotiate with, or combat violence. They use their agency to develop different reactions based on how they and the policies are embedded or disconnected to the territories.
“…Th e geographies of terror and security portrayed in this special section highlight the level of experience as a central yet neglected domain for understanding discourses and practices of terrorism and counterterrorism. Th e literature on geopolitics, confl ict, warfare, and security has recently been shift ing toward embodied (Fluri 2011;Ochs 2011;Wilcox 2015), performative (Katz 2007;Martin 2010;Mustafa et al 2013), emotional (Johansen 2018;Pauschinger 2019;Skidmore 2003), aff ective (Anderson and Adey 2011;Gökarıksel and Secor 2018;Laketa 2016), and atmospheric (Adey et al 2013;Fregonese 2017;Klauser 2010) approaches. We build on these approaches and apply them to the study of terrorism.…”
Section: Introduction Experiential Landscapes Of Terrormentioning
This special section addresses how the spatiality of terrorism and security responses mobilize and impact the realm of experience. The articles presented here expose how terrorism is encountered as a felt experience by urban residents in Europe through an analysis that encompasses several realms including the body, the intimate, the domestic, and the urban public space. These works develop existing scholarship on the European urban geographies of terrorism, by looking beyond established approaches to normative range of actors and infrastructures that underlie terrorism and counter-terror security responses, and by exploring the fine-grained connections between felt experience, urban space, and global politics. Moreover, in focusing on the experiential landscapes of terror, we start exploring geographies where healing, trust, and societal reconnection can be imagined in the wake of terror.
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