Women’s Citizenship in Northern Ireland after the 1998 Agreement

Deiana, Maria-Adriana

doi:10.4324/9781315772127-6

Cited by 3 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…Following the demise of the NIWC, the energy around women’s activism returned to the civil society sector where it has a long history (Deiana, 2014; McWilliams, 1995; Porter, 1997). Northern Ireland retains today a vibrant and wide-reaching women’s sector.…”

Section: Gender and Consociational Government: The Northern Irish Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Challenging identity hierarchies: Gender and consociational power-sharing

Kennedy

Pierson

Thomson

2016

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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Consociational democracy has become the most influential paradigm in the field of powersharing institutional design and post-conflict peacebuilding. Consociation institutes representation for certain formerly excluded groups. However, it simultaneously inhibits effective political representation for groups that do not align with the societal divisions that consociation seeks to accommodate, specifically the 'additional' cleavage of gender. Given the extensive use of the consociational model as a peacebuilding tool in divided states and the growing awareness of the disproportionate negative effect of conflict on women, there is a surprising lack of consideration of the effect that consociational power-sharing has on women's representation. This article considers the specific impact that the consociational model has on women's representation. We argue that because gender is an integral factor in conflict, it should therefore be integral to postconflict governance. With empirical reference to contemporary Northern Ireland, it is illustrated that consociationalism is a 'gender-blind' theory.

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Section: Gender and Consociational Government: The Northern Irish Casementioning

confidence: 99%

Challenging identity hierarchies: Gender and consociational power-sharing

Kennedy

Pierson

Thomson

2016

The British Journal of Politics and International Relations

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“…Because of this informality, and a lack of women's voices within formal politics, gender equality has had a 'lower public profile' in the province (Porter, 1997: 92). This remains the case in a contemporary environment (Deiana, 2014). The women's sector is well organised and highly active, but, as the list of concerns around women's descriptive and substantive representation above suggests, it struggles to make gains in the domestic political context.…”

Section: Case Selection and Methodologymentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Furthermore, there is often an equation of human rights and equality to mean equality between Protestant and Catholic communities only (Deiana, 2014: 404). Indeed, the inclusion of a specific reference to women’s human rights in the GFA (‘the right of women to full and equal political participation’) came about only due to some very apt diplomacy on the part of the NIWC, one of the smallest political parties.…”

Section: Human Rights In a Northern Irish Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, the inclusion of a specific reference to women’s human rights in the GFA (‘the right of women to full and equal political participation’) came about only due to some very apt diplomacy on the part of the NIWC, one of the smallest political parties. 5 Women’s human rights within the text of the GFA appear last on the list, and refer only to the narrow parameter of ‘political’ participation, suggesting that they are not a central feature of how human rights in Northern Ireland are conceived (Deiana, 2014: 403). The picture for human rights in Northern Irish politics, and women’s human rights especially, is thus somewhat marginalised.…”

Section: Human Rights In a Northern Irish Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Thinking globally, acting locally? The women’s sector, international human rights mechanisms and politics in Northern Ireland

Thomson

2016

Politics

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Literature considering international human rights mechanisms stresses that they have the best chance of success when they are closest to ideas which already exist within national contexts. Research which addresses women's human rights bodies, such as the Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), argues that they function best when reinterpreted to fit the local context. Yet, situations where this domestic norm translation is occurring, but policy change is not achieved, have received little consideration. Why do some contexts, even where norm translation occurs, resist policy change? This article examines Northern Ireland, where these women's rights bodies are used extensively in the women's sector, but where change has not occurred. It argues that norm translation is not the only important factor, and that a greater consideration of local political structures is needed in order to more fully explain policy resistance.

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“…In addition to the arduous task of ending decades of violent conflict and securing power-sharing among the main political parties, the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) also marked itself out as significant for its inclusion and commitment to ‘the right of women to full and equal participation in political life’. Moreover, some have suggested that the wider peace process was unique due to the relatively high levels of visibility and participation of women (Deiana 2013). This article explores the position of women in Northern Ireland today and by doing so seeks to problematise the ‘post-conflict’ narrative by gendering peace and security.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Gendering the ‘post-conflict’ narrative in Northern Ireland’s peace process

Gilmartin

2018

Capital & Class

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The Good Friday Agreement negotiations gave a unique opportunity for the insertion of women’s rights and equal formal representation in the new post-conflict Northern Ireland. Notwithstanding the robust and unambiguous commitments in the text of the agreement, the primary architects of the peace process, however, situated gender and women’s position as peripheral to the main priorities of ‘guns and government’. While conventional forms of peacebuilding claim to be beneficial for all, evidence from the so-called ‘post-conflict’ period around the world demonstrates a continuity of violence for many women, as well as new forms of violence. This article explores the position of women in Northern Ireland today across a number of issues, including formal politics, community activism, domestic violence and reproductive rights. By doing so, it continues feminist endeavours seeking to problematise the ‘post-conflict’ narrative by gendering peace and security. While the Good Friday Agreement did undoubtedly provide the potential for a new era of gender relations, 20 years on Northern Irish society exhibits all the trademarks and insidious characteristics of a patriarchal society that has yet to undergo a genuine transformation in gender relations. The article argues that the consistent privileging of masculinity and the dominance of male power is a commonality that remains uninterrupted by the peace process.

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Women’s Citizenship in Northern Ireland after the 1998 Agreement

Cited by 3 publications

References 1 publication

Challenging identity hierarchies: Gender and consociational power-sharing

Challenging identity hierarchies: Gender and consociational power-sharing

Thinking globally, acting locally? The women’s sector, international human rights mechanisms and politics in Northern Ireland

Gendering the ‘post-conflict’ narrative in Northern Ireland’s peace process

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