Thinking globally, acting locally? The women’s sector, international human rights mechanisms and politics in Northern Ireland

Abstract

Literature considering international human rights mechanisms stresses that they have the best chance of success when they are closest to ideas which already exist within national contexts. Research which addresses women's human rights bodies, such as the Convention Against All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325), argues that they function best when reinterpreted to fit the local context. Yet, situations where this domestic norm translation is occurring, but policy change is not achieved, have received little consideration. Why do some contexts, even where norm translation occurs, resist policy change? This article examines Northern Ireland, where these women's rights bodies are used extensively in the women's sector, but where change has not occurred. It argues that norm translation is not the only important factor, and that a greater consideration of local political structures is needed in order to more fully explain policy resistance.

Rethinking Gender Centres in Nigerian Universities

“…There is a growing interest in improving the understanding of institutional resistance, reproduction and obstruction of positive institutional gender change (Chappell, 2014a(Chappell, , 2014b(Chappell, , 2015Kenny, 2013a;Mackay, 2014;Mackay & Waylen, 2014;Waylen, 2014Waylen, , 2017. For example, Thomson (2017) posited that FI scholars have questioned why institutions hinder greater women's representation (Kenny, 2013b); how informal institutions can inhibit progressive gendered change (Waylen, 2014), and why new institutions revert to older practices which can often signal regression on gendered norms (Mackay, 2014). However, the limits of institutional change and how this occurs, especially in the context of Nigerian universities, are still weakly understood.…”

“…Moving from this premise, I consider why university gender centres are unable to advance or institutionalise gender equity because of the absence of formal gender equity rules. This study's concern is echoed in contemporary feminist institutionalist thinking, which addresses how institutions can be sites of resistance and obstruct genderpositive change (Thomson, 2017).…”

Feminising politics, politicising feminism? Women in post-conflict Northern Irish politics

“…However, the UK does not classify Northern Ireland as a 'post-conflict' zone as 'the situation in Northern Ireland has never been considered an armed conflict, as defined in international law' (O' Rourke and McMinn, 2012, 32; see also Hoewer, 2013;Thomson, 2017). As such, Northern Ireland is not included in the UK's National Action Plan as part of its work under UNSCR 1325.…”

“…20 Fidelma Ashe (2006aAshe ( , 2006bAshe ( , 2007 The social conservatism of the region also influences the tone of debate around gendered policy issues. In Assembly debates on abortion, Biblical evocations are commonplace, in particular from DUP MLAs (Bloomer and Pierson, 2017;Thomson, 2015Thomson, , 2017. Formal political debate on abortion often takes place through the lens of the 'right to life' of the foetus and the 'unborn child', rather than in an understanding of women's rights (Bloomer and Pierson, 2017).…”