Widows and their living arrangements in preindustrial France

Fauve-Chamoux, Antoinette

doi:10.1016/s1081-602x(01)00098-7

Cited by 16 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…In the Austrian countryside, a second marriage was actually more frequent among the most well-off than among the poorest widows: the presence of a man was, in fact, crucial to manage and till the land (Brown 2002). Similar results were found in 18th century Massachusetts (Keyssar 1974) and in pre-industrial France, where remarrying was an option almost exclusively reserved for wealthy widows (Fauve-Chamoux 2002). Conversely, other studies did not find any striking socio-occupational differential in the chances of remarriage (Knodel and Lynch 1985;Knodel 1988;Van Poppel 1995;McQuillan 2003).…”

Section: Remarriage In Pre-transitional Italysupporting

confidence: 71%

“…Nuptiality regimes characterized by early access to first marriage often produce young widow(er)s who, especially if females and without children, are more able to compete with never-married people in the same marriage market (Bideau 1980). Conversely, late age at first marriage yields old widowed persons, who represent less desirable partners (Fauve-Chamoux 2002). Since the literature data have proved the existence of sharecropping communities with different levels of celibacy and timing of access to marriage (Barbagli 1990;Breschi and Rettaroli 1995;Rettaroli 1993), we also expect to find differentials in remarriage among sharecropping populations.…”

Section: Remarriage In Pre-transitional Italymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Family Composition and Remarriage in Pre-Transitional Italy: A Comparative Study

et al. 2008

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It is well known that timing and intensity of remarriage were strictly dependent upon demographic, socio-economic, cultural and legislative factors specific to each community. Thus, the aim of this paper is to compare the extent to which such factors may affect the remarriage patterns of three pre-transitional Italian populations that were different in many respects. By using micro-level data of the sharecropping communities of Casalguidi and Madregolo and the Alpine village of Treppo Carnico, we highlighted similarities and differences in the respective remarriage patterns, in particular, the far lower intensity in the mountain community with respect to the sharecropping ones. Our findings show that along with differences in the demographic system, household structure and land tenure, normative elements concerning widows and the dotal system could in part explain the differentials we found.Il est bien connu que le calendrier et l’intensité des remariages dépendent de façon stricte des facteurs démographiques, socio-économiques, culturels et législatifs spécifiques à chaque communauté. Dans cette perspective, l’objectif de cette étude est d’apprécier le rôle de ces facteurs dans les modalités de remariage de trois populations très différentes de l’Italie d’avant la transition. En utilisant des données à l’échelle micro en provenance des communautés de métayers de Casaguildi et Madregolo et du village Alpin de Treppo Carnico, nous avons mis en évidence des similarités et des différences dans les modalités des remariages, et en particulier une intensité bien moindre du phénomène dans la communauté montagnarde que dans les communautés de métayers. Nos résultats indiquent que, en parallèle aux différences en matière de système démographique, de structure des ménages et de régime de propriété foncière, des éléments normatifs concernant le veuvage et le système de dot pourraient expliquer une partie des différences observées

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Section: Remarriage In Pre-transitional Italysupporting

confidence: 71%

Section: Remarriage In Pre-transitional Italymentioning

confidence: 99%

Family Composition and Remarriage in Pre-Transitional Italy: A Comparative Study

et al. 2008

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“…But, after a rather difficult but successful linkage manual procedure -which took three years, before this project was conducted before personal computer existed -, I could reach an evaluation of each family standard of living and I obtained a better knowledge of its socioprofessional milieu by using the level of taxes paid by each household every five years. Lastly, some genealogical studies allowed tracing how merchants and textile workers transmitted their business to the next generation (Fauve- Chamoux, 2002). 5 To allow some comparative perspective, I used here published nuptiality data concerning 18th century Beauvaisis, town and countryside (Ganiage, 1999).…”

Section: Sourcesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We observe remarriage behaviour in this preindustrial urban surrounding, in a comparative perspective. Since I did already examine numerous features of this Rhemish urban community of Northern Champagne -with studies on birth control, children out to wet-nurse, fertility trends, illegitimacy, family structures, migration models and domestic service -(Fauve- Chamoux, 1983Chamoux, , 1994Chamoux, , 1998Chamoux, , 2002Chamoux, , 2004, the present study of remarriage may integrate some useful knowledge about demographic and socio-economic parameters. Previously and in line with our present concern, we examined how and how much, in this regional main city, widows could effectively work, support themselves, become household heads after their husband's death, live alone or with their children if they had some, and how they could face old age during the Ancien Regime (Fauve- Chamoux, 1994Chamoux, , 1998Chamoux, , 2000Chamoux, , 1981a.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Revisiting the decline in remarriage in early-modern Europe: The case of Rheims in France

Fauve-Chamoux

2010

The History of the Family

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Many were the European towns where remarriage frequency declined, especially for widows, in the 17th and 18th centuries. This article investigates how remarriage models evolved in France, basing our analysis on vital events collected for the fourteen parishes of the town of Rheims in Champagne. A large set of Family Reconstitution Forms for the period 1668-1802 allows the study of remarriage among urban widows and widowers. Through four successive periods of time, we observe changes in remarriage behaviour in this preindustrial center as a case study, in a gender comparative perspective. In urban surroundings, in the late 18th century, strategies of remarriage may have been more flexible than in rural areas. Women were less exposed to family and social pressure preventing them to remarry, discouraging or delaying a new union. The presence of dependent children was always a problem when a widow tried to choose a new partner. It was easier for a man to remarry. A widower used to take a new wife quickly and a younger one, if possible without children at charge. A specific aspect of the urban context was population geographical turn-over and changing labour markets. It would explain, at least partly, the decreasing proportion of remarriages in Rheims. Female urban surplus was a constant, affecting the chances for remarriage, particularly in large European cities.

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“…La bibliographie est très vaste. Voir notamment (Diefendorf, 1982), (Klapisch-Zuber, 1983), (Cavallo, Warner, 1999), (Juratic, 1999), (Chojnacki, 2000), (Beauvalet-Boutouyrie, 2001), (Fauve-Chamoux, 2002), (Pellegrin, Winn, 2003), (Bellavitis, 2008).…”

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À quoi sert la dot ? Aliénations dotales, économie familiale et stratégies des couples à Turin au xviiie siècle

Micheletto¹

2011

Annales De Démographie Historique

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Une présence constante dans la vie des couples D'un point de vue historiographique, la dot et sa fonction ont été des sujets longuement traités par l'anthropologie et le droit avant de devenir, par la suite, un terrain de recherche de l'histoire sociale et notamment un des piliers de l'histoire de la famille 1. En s'intéressant à la dot dans le cadre de l'analyse des logiques de transmissions patrimoniales, un premier courant de recherches a mis en relief son rôle symbolique et relationnel ainsi que sa fonction de marqueur du statut social. Selon cette perspective, la dot est donc un patrimoine utile pour réaliser les politiques d'alliance des familles et satisfaire leurs ambitions de mobilité sociale. D'après ces études, les biens dotaux circulent entre les familles et tissent des liens de parenté et de collaboration qui sont à la fois symboliques et matériels. Il s'agit surtout d'une perspective de recherche qui privilégie les couches sociales aisées ou les familles clairement insérées dans un parcours de mobilité sociale 2. En effet, la valeur de la dot qu'une famille est en mesure d'établir, conditionne les opportunités matrimoniales de la fille et donc le choix du milieu social dans lequel le mariage aura lieu. Si la dot est élevée, parfois supérieure au train de vie réel de la famille, cela traduit une volonté de mobilité sociale, et l'espoir de réaliser une alliance avec une famille d'un niveau social égal ou supérieur. En sens inverse, un époux issu d'une famille appauvrie ou déclassée, ou non intégrée dans les réseaux sociaux de la communauté, doit probablement se contenter d'un mariage « vers le bas » de l'échelle sociale et donc, vraisemblablement, d'une dot modeste 3. 1 Je tiens à remercier les évaluateurs anonymes de la revue pour leur lecture et leurs remarques. 2 L'historiographie consacrée à la dot, aux systèmes normatifs et aux enjeux d'ordre social, symbolique et économique, est extrêmement vaste. Les études repères sur le sujet restent (Goody, 1973),

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Widows and their living arrangements in preindustrial France

Cited by 16 publications

References 9 publications

Family Composition and Remarriage in Pre-Transitional Italy: A Comparative Study

Family Composition and Remarriage in Pre-Transitional Italy: A Comparative Study

Revisiting the decline in remarriage in early-modern Europe: The case of Rheims in France

À quoi sert la dot ? Aliénations dotales, économie familiale et stratégies des couples à Turin au xviiie siècle

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