Who Represents Me? Race, Gender, Partisan Congruence, and Representational Alternatives in a Polarized America

Abstract

The belief among citizens that their views are represented is essential to the legitimacy of American democracy, but few studies have explicitly examined which political actors Americans feel best represent them. Using data from the 2006 Cooperative Congressional Election Study, we ask new questions about whether respondents who share a partisan, racial, or gender identification with their members of Congress (MCs) feel those members best represent them. Although the framers designed the House so that individuals’ own MCs would be their closest and most responsive representatives, a majority of respondents turn to other actors for representation. Partisanship is a key reason for this attenuated connection, as respondents who do not share a partisan identification with their MCs are more likely than those who do to rely on their party’s congressional leaders or advocacy organizations for representation instead. Sharing a racial identification with one’s own MC can strengthen representational connections as respondents who share a racial identity with their MCs are significantly more likely than respondents who do not to indicate that their MC represents them “the most.” These results shed light on enduring questions about the significance of symbolic representation and its link to partisanship and descriptive representation.

Gender, Race, Ethnicity, and the Racialization of Attitudes Toward Descriptive Representation

“…Given these benefits, what accounts for varied levels of support for increasing diversity in representation? Research finds that individuals are more likely to prefer identity congruence with elected officials (English et al, 2019; Gershon et al, 2019; Philpot & Walton, 2007; Rosenthal, 1995; Sanbonmatsu, 2003; Tate, 1993;). A 2018 Pew study found that women were 21 percentage points more likely than men to believe there are too few women in political office (69% vs. 48%) (Horowitz et al, 2018, see also Gallup News Service, 2001).…”

“…A 2018 Pew study found that women were 21 percentage points more likely than men to believe there are too few women in political office (69% vs. 48%) (Horowitz et al, 2018, see also Gallup News Service, 2001). Similarly, across all racial/ethnic groups, including white Americans, individuals are thought to prefer representatives with whom they share a racial/ethnic identification (Casellas & Wallace, 2015; English et al, 2019; Schildkraut, 2017).…”

“…Scholarship on descriptive representation additionally argues for the primacy of identity congruence in shaping voters’ preferences for representation, with women preferring more women representatives, and individuals of all racial/ethnic groups generally preferring representatives who share their race/ethnicity (English et al, 2019; Rosenthal, 1995; Sanbonmatsu, 2003). However, it may not be just group membership, but the strength of connection to one’s group that creates demand for descriptive representation.…”

Developments in gender and U.S. politics: A call for intersectionality

“…Partisanship also shapes the output of politics: Where quotas (and in particular, party quotas) have now existed long enough to evaluate their effects, evidence is accumulating that changes in legislative demographics affect substantive representation (Bratton, Haynie, & Reingold, ; Clayton & Zetterberg, ; Franceschet & Piscopo, ). Partisanship also shapes diverse constituents' perceptions of their elected representatives and perceived the trustworthiness of democratic systems (Barnes & Beaulieu, ; English, Pearson, & Strolovitch, ). These bodies of research lead the way in bringing partisanship into intersectional approaches to gender and politics.…”

Electoral Incentives, Critical Actors, and the Substantive Representation of Women in Parliament

“…According to , symbolic representation concerns affective beliefs about whether or not people feel that their interests and views are represented in parliament. Future research should therefore go beyond merely analyzing the extent of male MP's engagement in women's substantive representation, and should explore the question of whether or not women in the population feel represented if men speak on their behalf, or if they instead believe that their views and interests are more thoroughly represented by female MPs (English, Pearson and Strolovitch 2019). This question could be analyzed in several experiments in which respondents could be presented with a vignette including, for example, a report on a newly enacted women-specific policy in parliament.…”