How do state legislators working in a volunteer political institution cope with work and family responsibilities? This article complicates the conventional notion of work-family conflict by illustrating how another dimension of work, performed voluntarily in the political sphere, is managed in concert with paid employment and domestic responsibilities. Based on interviews conducted with state representatives in 2014, we analyze the patterns of work-family conflict in a "citizen" legislature. We find that working under nearly voluntary conditions results in a variety of coping strategies that are uniquely structured by an absence of salaries and administrative resources. Gender constrains the range of coping strategies available to women legislators in practice and has implications for women's representation in political organizations. Our findings make a sociological case for expanding how we think about work and family mechanisms that affect women's representation in politics.
Since "women and politics" scholarship emerged in the 1970s, social, institutional, and theoretical developments have shaped the trajectory of U.S. scholarship in this field.First, the presence of women in formal politics has
The solvated title compound, bis[2,6-bis(1-{[4-(dimethylamino)phenyl]imino-κN}ethyl)pyridine-κN]nickel(II) dichloride–dichloromethane–water (1/2/2), [Ni(C25H29N5)2]Cl2·2CH2Cl2·2H2O, represents a nickel(II) bis(pyridine diimine) complex with electron-donating dimethylaminophenyl substituents. The complex crystallizes as a water/dichloromethane solvate with Z′ = 2, thus the asymmetric unit consists of two NiII complex cations, four chloride anions, four adventitious water and four dichloromethane solvent molecules. Around each octahedrally coordinated NiII cation, one pendant phenyl group on each of the two ligands has an intramolecular π–π interaction with the pyridine ring of the other chelating ligand. In the crystal, pairs of water molecules are hydrogen bonded to pairs of chlorine atoms. The dichloromethane solvent molecules are likewise hydrogen bonded to the chloride anions.
We use a novel dataset to provide the first panoramic view of US Black movement protest events as reported in US newswires between 1994 and 2010 and put our quantitative data into dialog with qualitative accounts of the period. Struggles during these years presaged the Black Lives protest waves of 2014-2016 and 2020. We find that protests were building in frequency in the 1990s after the 1992 Los Angeles uprising and the widely discussed 1995 Million Man March into 2001, but dropped abruptly after the 9/11 attacks, with mobilization building again at the end of the 2000s. Protests in response to police violence and other criminal legal issues were major arenas of struggle and news coverage. Also common were issues of national identity including celebrations of Black history and Black solidarity, protests against Confederate symbols, and protests about White hate groups and hate crimes. While Black people protested about a wide variety of issues, mainstream national media attention focused disproportionately on incidents of police violence and perceived threats of Black violence. We find substantial continuity in issues, organizations, and activism between this period and the Black Lives Movement of 2014-2020. Content warning: parts of this article describe incidents of police violence.
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