When do political parties join protests? A comparative analysis of party involvement in “for fair elections” movement

Semenov, Andrey; Lobanova, O.; Zavadskaya, Margarita

doi:10.1080/21599165.2015.1121870

Cited by 10 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 46 publications

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“…Studies of protest and contentious politics in Russia rarely deal with the systemic opposition (Semenov, Lobanova, & Zavadskaya, 2016 is a welcome exception). Although some differentiate between the CPRF on the one hand, representing an "enemy" of the regime, and the LDPR and JR on the other, representing "satellites" (Gel'man, 2008), the three parties are generally thought of as "pillars" of the regime (Turovsky, 2015): they enjoy their privileges of parliamentary representation and bestow the decreasingly democratic institutions with legitimacy through their continued participation.…”

Section: What Role For the Opposition?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the‘for fair elections’protests 2011–2012

Dollbaum

2017

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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How does co-optation of oppositional party elites influence their protest behavior in times of cross-societal protest mobilization? Rational-Choice theories of authoritarian stability postulate that opposition elites receive material incentives in parliaments that motivate them to demobilize their radical supporters, which leads to increased regime stability. Based on a novel dataset, this article examines the protest behavior of the Russian parliamentary opposition parties (the CPRF, the LDPR and JR) and their activists during the protest wave of 2011/12 as a function of each party's co-optation in the regional parliaments. Co-optation is measured by the number of leadership posts that a party holds in the regional legislature. Protest mobilization is captured by (1) the number of protest events organized by each party and (2) the aggregate number of party activists present at protest events per region. The results show clear differences between the parties: Whereas the protest behavior of the communist CPRF is not influenced by regional elite co-optation, the analysis shows negative correlations for the LDPR and JR. The results suggest that co-optation may indeed be effective in reducing protest in contentious times-but that its effect varies for different actors.

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Section: What Role For the Opposition?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For these reasons we are well-advised not to disregard these parties as political actors. Instead, we should devote more attention to the actual conditions under which party elites and activists engage in protest and under which elites diffuse protest sentiment among their followers (see Semenov et al, 2016).…”

Section: What Role For the Opposition?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the‘for fair elections’protests 2011–2012

Dollbaum

2017

Journal of Eurasian Studies

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“…67 Other conducive factors for electoral reform advocacy by domestic monitors may be high party institutionalisation and low degrees of co-optation, which increase political parties' constructive engagement with electoral reform movements. 68 Furthermore, the aforementioned case study of electoral reform in New Zealand suggests that advocacy groups promoting electoral reform are more likely to be successful if there are media allies, party system dealignment, and a political culture supporting populist democratic values. 69 In a second approach, some studies draw on constructivist arguments from social movement scholarship and international relations and hold that an important impact of domestic monitors would come from socialising political elites into international norms of electoral integrity.…”

Section: Impacts On Electoral Integritymentioning

confidence: 99%

Domestic Election Monitoring and Advocacy: An Emerging Research Agenda

Grömping

2017

Nordic Journal of Human Rights

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Holding elections has become a global norm, even in autocracies; at the same time, there is mounting evidence to suggest that flawed or failed elections pose serious risks for political stability, legitimacy, and participation. Scholars and practitioners alike increasingly see domestic election monitoring groups to be a partial remedy to electoral malpractice. At least half of elections globally are monitored by such groups and large sums of international aid spent on them. However, scholarly research about the causes, dynamics, and consequences of domestic election monitoring and advocacy is scattered. This article sets out to present an overview of the academic literature on domestic monitoring. It discusses activities and actors, and presents empirical insights on the prevalence, accuracy, credibility and impartiality of monitors, as well as participation in monitoring, and its impacts on electoral integrity. It outlines gaps and open questions for a future research agenda. The review contributes to the practice, empirics and theory of election monitoring and links to broader scholarly inquiries about the embedding of human rights norms in national elections.

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Political regimes, income and health: Evidence from sub-national comparative method

Rosenberg

Козлов

Libman

2018

Social Science Research

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When do political parties join protests? A comparative analysis of party involvement in “for fair elections” movement

Cited by 10 publications

References 46 publications

Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the‘for fair elections’protests 2011–2012

Curbing protest through elite co-optation? Regional protest mobilization by the Russian systemic opposition during the‘for fair elections’protests 2011–2012

Domestic Election Monitoring and Advocacy: An Emerging Research Agenda

Political regimes, income and health: Evidence from sub-national comparative method

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