What explains variation in parties’ climate change salience?

Farstad, Fay Madeleine

doi:10.1177/1354068817693473

Cited by 82 publications

(75 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…However, other evidence suggests that the contrast may not be so clear cut. Farstad (2017), drawing on the Comparative Manifesto Project data, finds that, for a wide sample of countries, including the US, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and the UK, nationalist parties across all countries are less likely to mention climate change in party manifestos than other parties, with no clear difference between Anglophone and continental European countries.…”

Section: Variations and Caveatsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right-wing populism and the climate change agenda: exploring the linkages

Lockwood

2018

Environmental Politics

363

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Section: Variations and Caveatsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Right-wing populism and the climate change agenda: exploring the linkages

Lockwood

2018

Environmental Politics

363

223

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“…This represents a great diversity of policies with the common objective of fostering environmental protection. This variable has been used in the expanding literature on the determinants of political parties' concerns regarding environmental protection and climate change (Facchini et al, 2017;Farstad, 2018). To our knowledge, there are no studies using these data and this variable to investigate green diversification, and to operationalize this variable at the regional level.…”

Section: Relatednessmentioning

confidence: 99%

Diversifying in green technologies in European regions: does political support matter?

Santoalha

Boschma

2020

Regional Studies

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New green activities in regions tend to build on regional capabilities. This paper makes a first attempt to test the impact of political support for environmental policy at the national and regional scales, besides regional capabilities, on the ability of 95 regions in seven European countries to diversify into new green technologies during the period 2000-12. Evidence is found that related capabilities rather than political support in a region are associated with green diversification of regions. However, while political support at the national scale tends to moderate the role of regional capabilities, political support at the regional scale strengthens it.

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“…Some candidates regarded climate change as a salient issue and their subsequent position as a vote winner whilst others did not. (Farstad, 2016). Figure 2 shows the breakdown of frames that the candidates used over the period.…”

Section: The Temporal Dynamics Of Energy Frames and Climate Discoursementioning

confidence: 99%

The presidential politics of climate discourse: Energy frames, policy, and political tactics from the 2016 Primaries in the United States

Brown

Sovacool

2017

Energy Policy

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This study presents the results of an investigation into the frequency in which four candidates of the 2016 US. Presidential primary season communicated their political positions on climate change, and how they subsequently framed these stances in numerous contextual drivers alongside energy policies. A systematic content analysis of political debates, campaign speeches, and press statements reveals how Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, and Ted Cruz undertook in vote-seeking behaviour to create distinct stances on energy and climate issues. Results indicate not only partisan polarization, but also-that stakeholder dynamics, control of communications and communication frequency are inter-dependent and reinforcing in generating differing climate positions. Institutional dynamics exacerbate these 'logic schisms' rather than providing a means of collective decision making. We test such climate discourse according to a typology of scientific, economic, national security, and moral frames. We also assess how particular frames morph over time, and are impacted by exogenous factors such as global climate change negotiations, national environmental crises (such as the Flint Water Crisis), and contestation over stranded assets and fossil fuel divestment. We find that political climate discourse must communicate to collective, bipartisan interests whilst avoiding politically divisive climate frames. National security is offered as a means of potential reconciliation and the discourse surrounding this must be deliberative in order to promote consensus driven politics and raise public awareness, bringing more stakeholders into the discussion. Keywords 2: Political Communication, Discourse, Content Analysis, and FramesThis section of the paper presents our key conceptual approaches, namely those of political communication, discourse, content analysis, and frames. Thus, the framework utilized in this study is the result of synthesising several literatures. Political communication and political economy literature provide the assumption that all candidates seek power and communicate policy stances to gain votes. Content analysis reveals the extent to which candidates regard the issue of climate change as a source of political capital, denoted by the frequency in which the issue is raised. Discourse analysis and framing literature reveal how the candidates communicate a narrative by specifically constructing climate stances to engage specific stakeholders. How candidates employ certain frames will ultimately uncover whether candidates frame their stances different in context specific situations in order to maximise political capital. Discourse and logic schisms

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What explains variation in parties’ climate change salience?

Cited by 82 publications

References 39 publications

Right-wing populism and the climate change agenda: exploring the linkages

Right-wing populism and the climate change agenda: exploring the linkages

Diversifying in green technologies in European regions: does political support matter?

The presidential politics of climate discourse: Energy frames, policy, and political tactics from the 2016 Primaries in the United States

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