This study presents the results of an investigation into the frequency in which four candidates of the 2016 US. Presidential primary season communicated their political positions on climate change, and how they subsequently framed these stances in numerous contextual drivers alongside energy policies. A systematic content analysis of political debates, campaign speeches, and press statements reveals how Hillary Clinton, Bernie Sanders, Donald Trump, and Ted Cruz undertook in vote-seeking behaviour to create distinct stances on energy and climate issues. Results indicate not only partisan polarization, but also-that stakeholder dynamics, control of communications and communication frequency are inter-dependent and reinforcing in generating differing climate positions. Institutional dynamics exacerbate these 'logic schisms' rather than providing a means of collective decision making. We test such climate discourse according to a typology of scientific, economic, national security, and moral frames. We also assess how particular frames morph over time, and are impacted by exogenous factors such as global climate change negotiations, national environmental crises (such as the Flint Water Crisis), and contestation over stranded assets and fossil fuel divestment. We find that political climate discourse must communicate to collective, bipartisan interests whilst avoiding politically divisive climate frames. National security is offered as a means of potential reconciliation and the discourse surrounding this must be deliberative in order to promote consensus driven politics and raise public awareness, bringing more stakeholders into the discussion. Keywords 2: Political Communication, Discourse, Content Analysis, and FramesThis section of the paper presents our key conceptual approaches, namely those of political communication, discourse, content analysis, and frames. Thus, the framework utilized in this study is the result of synthesising several literatures. Political communication and political economy literature provide the assumption that all candidates seek power and communicate policy stances to gain votes. Content analysis reveals the extent to which candidates regard the issue of climate change as a source of political capital, denoted by the frequency in which the issue is raised. Discourse analysis and framing literature reveal how the candidates communicate a narrative by specifically constructing climate stances to engage specific stakeholders. How candidates employ certain frames will ultimately uncover whether candidates frame their stances different in context specific situations in order to maximise political capital. Discourse and logic schisms
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The Australian Army recently adopted the British concept of hospital exercise (HOSPEX) as a means of evaluating the capabilities of its deployable NATO Role 2E hospital, the 2nd General Health Battalion. The Australian approach to HOSPEX differs from the original UK model. This article describes the reasons why the Australian Army needed to adopt the HOSPEX concept, how it was adapted to suit local circumstances and how the concept may evolve to meet the needs of the wider Australian Defence Force and our allies.
During meiosis, genetic recombination is initiated by the formation of many DNA double-strand breaks (DSBs) catalysed by the evolutionarily conserved topoisomerase-like enzyme, Spo11, in preferred genomic sites known as hotspots. DSB formation activates the Tel1/ATM DNA damage responsive (DDR) kinase, locally inhibiting Spo11 activity in adjacent hotspots via a process known as DSB interference. Intriguingly, inS. cerevisiae, over short genomic distances (<15 kb), Spo11 activity displays characteristics of concerted activity or clustering, wherein the frequency of DSB formation in adjacent hotspots is greater than expected by chance. We have proposed that clustering is caused by a limited number of sub-chromosomal domains becoming primed for DSB formation. Here, we demonstrate that DSB clustering is abolished when meiotic prophase timing is extended via deletion of theNDT80transcription factor. We propose that extension of meiotic prophase enables most cells, and therefore most chromosomal domains within them, to reach an equilibrium state of similar Spo11-DSB potential, reducing the impact that priming has on estimates of coincident DSB formation. Consistent with this view, genome-wide maps of Spo11-DSB formation generated in the absence of Tel1 are skewed towards regions that load pro-DSB factors early—revealing regions of preferential priming—but this effect is abolished whenNDT80is deleted. Our work highlights how the stochastic nature of Spo11-DSB formation in individual cells within the limited temporal window of meiotic prophase can cause localised DSB clustering—a phenomenon that is exacerbated intel1Δ cells due to the dual roles that Tel1 has in DSB interference and meiotic prophase checkpoint control.
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