VP Ellipsis, Phases and the Syntax of Morphology *

Rouveret, Alain

doi:10.4324/9781315112497-7

Cited by 6 publications

(20 citation statements)

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“…The examples in (6-8) are from a Hejazi variety. The lack of VPE in Saudi Arabic has also been reported with a Najdi variety (Abdulkarim and Roeper, 1997 The correlation between VPE and verb-movement is not attested cross-linguistically (Cyrino and Matos, 2005;Rouveret, 2012). Instead, Cyrino and Matos (2005) proposed that the licensing of VPE correlates with the degree of aspect grammaticalization in a given language, and therefore the projection of an independent aspectual functional category (AspP) below Tense.…”

Section: The Licensing Of Vpementioning

confidence: 96%

“…(16) Principle of Recoverability: 'A VP-elided constituent cannot contain any non-recoverable interpretable feature' (Rouveret, 2012: 911). Rouveret (2012) argued that the two aspectual affixes differ in feature interpretability: whereas -ing encodes a progressive interpretable feature, -en encodes a perfective uninterpretable feature. His argument was based on the meaning contribution of these aspectual affixes.…”

Section: The Identity and Recoverability Conditions In Vpementioning

confidence: 99%

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Selective vulnerability in very advanced L2 grammars: Evidence from VPE constraints

Al-Thubaiti

2018

Second Language Research

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This study examines whether the second language acquisition (L2A) of syntactic properties at the interfaces is problematic for L2 learners. English verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) was tested as an interface property which involves feature interpretability. Two subtle contrasts of VPE at different grammar-internal interfaces were examined: (a) copula be and lexical verb ellipsis at the syntax–lexicon interface (*John is here, and Mary will too vs. John slept, and Mary will too), and (b) progressive be and perfective have stranding at the syntax–semantics interface (*John slept, and Mary was too vs. Peter saw your parents last week, but he hasn’t since). Unlike (a), the contrast in (b) requires identifying (un)interpretable features on -ing and -en to recover the semantics of the elided material. Since Saudi Arabic does not license VPE, (very-)advanced English L2 speakers whose first language (L1) is Saudi Arabic were tested. The results from a bimodal timed acceptability judgment task showed they were more target-like on the contrast at the syntax–lexicon interface than they were on the syntax–semantics interface. They particularly deviated from target-like judgments on have stranding which requires recognizing the perfective uninterpretable feature on - en. These results suggest selective vulnerability at grammar-internal interfaces whenever uninterpretable features are involved.

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Section: The Licensing Of Vpementioning

confidence: 96%

Section: The Identity and Recoverability Conditions In Vpementioning

confidence: 99%

Selective vulnerability in very advanced L2 grammars: Evidence from VPE constraints

Al-Thubaiti

2018

Second Language Research

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“…The ellipsis account also predicts that doubling is ungrammatical with being because it is generally the case that v P-ellipsis is degraded with being adjacent to the ellipsis site (at least for many speakers), (59). Thus, (47) has the analysis in (60), which is ungrammatical for the same reason that (59) is (see Thoms 2010, Rouveret 2012, Sailor 2014 for suggestions regarding how to derive this restriction).…”

Section: Vp-preposing In English: a Matching Analysismentioning

confidence: 97%

vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

Thoms

Walkden²

2018

J. Ling.

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In this paper, we consider two kinds of vP-fronting constructions in English and argue that they receive quite different analyses. First, we show that English vP-preposing does not have the properties that would be expected of a movement-derived dependency. Evidence for this conclusion is adduced from the licensing conditions on its occurrence, from the availability of morphological mismatches, and from reconstruction facts. By contrast, we show that English participle preposing is a well-behaved case of vP-movement, contrasting with vP-preposing with respect to reconstruction properties in particular. We propose that the differences between the two constructions follow from the interaction of two constraints: the excluded middle constraint (EMC), which rules out derivations involving spellout of linearly intermediate copies only, and the N-only constraint, which restricts movement to occurring where the trace position would license a nominal. The EMC rules out deriving vP-fronting by true movement and instead necessitates a base-generation analysis, while the N-only constraint ensures that participle preposing is only possible in limited circumstances.

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“…Although there is some consensus that the verbal licensor of VPE must occur in a functional category c-commanding vP/VP, occasionally, divergent proposals have been advanced. Thus, Rouveret (2012), apparently ignoring the contrasts in (83) for English, claims that VPE across languages (including English and EP) is licensed by a verb heading vP. For him, the difference between the languages with and without VPE relies on the fact that only in the latter the verb raises to Infl to complete its verbal morphology.…”

Section: Identity Condition On Ellipsis and Licensing Of Vpementioning

confidence: 99%

Null Objects and VP Ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese

Cyrino¹,

Matos²

2016

The Handbook of Portuguese Linguistics

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Portuguese FCT-Fundação para a Ciência e Tecnologia (project PEst-OE/LIN/UI0214/2013). We also thanks an anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments on a previous version of this paper. (9) A: A empregada colocou os livros na estante?the housemaid put the books on-the shelf 'Did the housemaid put the books on the shelf?' B: Sim, colocou __.Yes, put Yes, she did.Within the Principles and Parameters framework, VPE analyses mainly focused on the licensing condition(s) on the elliptical constituent and the recovering strategy of ellipsis. We will retain these topics in the study of VPE in EP and BP.

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VP Ellipsis, Phases and the Syntax of Morphology *

Cited by 6 publications

References 0 publications

Selective vulnerability in very advanced L2 grammars: Evidence from VPE constraints

Selective vulnerability in very advanced L2 grammars: Evidence from VPE constraints

vP-fronting with and without remnant movement

Null Objects and VP Ellipsis in European and Brazilian Portuguese

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