Violence against Women and Reactions to Gender Equality in Politics

Biroli, Flávia

doi:10.1017/s1743923x18000600

Cited by 61 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 7 publications

(9 reference statements)

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“…Research on VAWP constitutes an emergent field within gender and politics, which is tightly related with discussions on gender equality in political participation. So far literature on VAWP has focused on the conceptualization of VAWP (Bardall, Bjarnegård y Piscopo, 2017a, 2017bKrook, 2017a;Krook y Restrepo Sanín 2016a, 2016cPiscopo, 2016), and the prevalence and features of VAWP in different countries (ACOBOL, 2013;Bjarnegård, 2016;Biroli, 2018;Cerva, 2014;Machicao Barbery, 2004, Rojas Valverde, 2011Rojas Valverde, 2012), in addition to methodological research works that have explored how to obtain data on VAWP and measure the phenomena (Ballington, 2018;Bjarnegård, 2018;Kuperberg, 2016).…”

Section: Scholarly Discussion On Violence Against Women In Politics (Vawp)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Combatir la violencia contra las mujeres políticas:

Castaño

2021

Investig. fem.

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Introduction. Violence against women in politics (VAWP) is a specific form of gender-based violence that is receiving growing attention from research, because it threatens the progress made in women’s political representation. However, there are few works on how to design legislation against VAWP. Objectives. This article contributes to filling this gap by analysing how the Bolivian legislation influenced norms of VAWP drafted and passed by other countries and international organisations in Latin America, the country where more efforts of this kind have taken place – the 243/2012 Bolivian Law on Political Violence and Harassment against Women was the first law on VAWP in the world –. Methodology. The research draws on qualitative content analysis of the legislation and semi-structured interviews with Bolivian women’s activists, officials and MPs. Results, conclusions and discussion. I argue that four specific features of the Bolivian legislation have had a major influence on other norms on VAWP: (i) a wide and detailed definition of VAWP; (ii) the attribution to the electoral organ of competences to prevent VAWP; (iii) the establishment of political parties’ responsibilities; (iv) the (incomplete) adoption of an intersectional perspective.

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Section: Scholarly Discussion On Violence Against Women In Politics (Vawp)mentioning

confidence: 99%

Combatir la violencia contra las mujeres políticas:

Castaño

2021

Investig. fem.

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“…A violência política contra as mulheres se apresenta justamente na medida em que as demandas por participação ganharam forma institucional -com as cotas e mais mulheres candidatando-se -e difusa, com as campanhas por maior participação e o espraiamento da crítica ao monopólio masculino. Como reação à politização de que falávamos, a violência política está enraizada em valores, práticas e instituições sexistas e coloca em xeque não apenas as mulheres que participam das disputas eleitorais, mas o próprio pertencimento das mulheres, como grupo, aos espaços políticos (BIROLI, 2018b;SANIN, 2016). Esse tipo de violência tem sido considerada uma "estratégia para manter posições de poder" (ALBAINE, 2015, p. 151), afetando potencialmente a participação política de todas as mulheres e, assim, a própria democracia (KROOK, 2016).…”

Section: O Gênero Da Democraciaunclassified

Divisão Sexual Do Trabalho, Separação E Hierarquização

Biroli

Quintela

2021

Rev. Pol & Trab

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Danièle Kergoat e Helena Hirata definem a divisão sexual do trabalho como fundamento das relações sociais de sexo. Informado pela produção das autoras, este artigo analisa como os princípios regentes dessa divisão, o da separação – existem trabalhos de homens e de mulheres – e o da hierarquia – trabalhos de homens possuem maior valor social – produzem a dualidade entre esfera pública e doméstica. Observa-se, especialmente, a relação entre a divisão sexual do trabalho e a participação das mulheres na política, esfera ainda predominantemente masculina. São centrais para esta análise os conceitos de consubstancialidade e coextensividade, assim como o entendimento das autoras de que deslocamentos nas relações intersubjetivas não apontam necessariamente para processos de emancipação – os quais são necessariamente coletivos. Partindo dessas compreensões, a divisão sexual do trabalho e o gênero das democracias são analisados também por dados do contexto brasileiro. O artigo conclui que a) a divisão sexual do trabalho tem sido atualizada e não superada; b) ela é o fundamento dos obstáculos reiterados à participação política das mulheres; c) os conflitos em torno das demandas por participação permitem analisar a complexidade da dinâmica de dominação, composta por resistências e violência. Este trabalho corrobora a necessidade de se superar o “paradoxo de que tudo muda, mas nada muda”, analisando os “nós” da dominação em termos de gênero, classe e raça e evidenciando seu caráter móvel e conflitivo. Em um contexto de politização das desigualdades de gênero, os conflitos, resistências e renegociações, que constituem a dominação, se movem e se recolocam.

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“…However, resistance to accepting gender equality as a guiding principle for public policy-making is increasing rapidly every day. 41 Moreover, if the Statute of the Newborn is approved in the National Congress, even rape victims will lose the right to interrupt pregnancy.…”

Section: Backlashes On Sexual and Reproductive Rightsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Sexual and reproductive rights under attack: the advance of political and moral conservatism in Brazil

Brandão

Cabral

2019

Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters

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This article discusses political setbacks related to sexual and reproductive health and rights that have occurred in Brazil in the last 5 years (2014–2018) resulting from the significant role played by Christian (Evangelical and Catholic) parliamentarians in the legislative branch. Political initiatives aimed at prohibiting the affirmation of sexual and reproductive rights, while also curtailing debate about sexuality and gender in schools and universities, have raised “moral panic” within some elements of Brazilian society. The discursive strategies used around so-called “gender ideology” stimulated the formation of civil organisations which promote morality based on right-wing political positions. For this study, we looked at official documents and bibliographic material to examine how issues related to abortion rights, health care in cases of sexual violence, the prevention of sexually transmitted infections and homosexual citizenship are currently being suppressed, compromising the defence and advancement of the sexual and reproductive rights of women and the LGBTI+ population. The results point to the steady weakening of public policies that had become law in the 1980s, a time of Brazilian re-democratisation after two decades of military dictatorship. A wide range of civil, political and social rights, which saw significant growth and consolidation over the last 20 years, were rolled back after the resurgence of the extreme right wing in the federal legislature, culminating in the election of the current president in October 2018. However, social movements have increased in strength in the last few decades, especially the black feminist and LGBTI+ rights movements. These movements continue to provide political resistance, striving to affirm and protect all sexual and reproductive rights achieved to date.

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Violence against Women and Reactions to Gender Equality in Politics

Cited by 61 publications

References 7 publications

Combatir la violencia contra las mujeres políticas:

Combatir la violencia contra las mujeres políticas:

Divisão Sexual Do Trabalho, Separação E Hierarquização

Sexual and reproductive rights under attack: the advance of political and moral conservatism in Brazil

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