This chapter documents the role that gender norms play in strategies for establishing one's professional identity within the police. It is based on several years of fieldwork carried out within the police force, including an ethnographic study undertaken by a two-person male/female team. We consider in parallel the gendered structure of the policing profession and the character of interactions between officers and the public. Resistance to the feminization of police units can be linked to officers' gendered representations of the populations they deal with, as well as by sociability within the organization. The dominant masculinity which molds police professional identity is understood here as a complex entanglement of attributions based on gender, sexuality, and race. The 1983 film Faits divers, directed by French documentary film-maker Raymond Depardon, unveiled the daily life of a police station of the 5th arrondissement in Paris. It was an exclusively male professional environment, organized around virile sociability, in which women, when they did appear, could only aspire to victim status. 1 In the early 1980s, policing in France was still "a man's job" and the recent and modest opening up of the profession to women had not yet disturbed this male monopoly. However, as the rhetoric of state "modernization" developed, profound transformations, including the feminization of the workforce, were under way in a certain number of public organizations. Over the following decades, goals of gender equality and the spread of egalitarian norms -inspired by the UKand US-led "diversity" framework (Bereni and Jacquemart 2018) and associated with the paradigm of the "fight against discriminations" (Fassin 2002) -became an issue of legitimacy for a number of public and private organizations. The police institution, having already undergone numerous attempts at transformation (Jobard and de Maillard 2015), was a prime candidate for this reforming trend.Nonetheless, the police were generally described in studies as particularly resistant to change, due to a so-called "police culture" uniting its members. In particular, it was said to possess, as other organizations, a uniquely "gendered substructure" (Acker 1990), where the