“…In future studies, to reach those who are not graced by the fruits of modernity such as education and employment, and who therefore may be the hardest hit by the cultural value‐mismatch of urbanisation, the following suggestions may be considered: Qualitative or mixed methods may be helpful (see Ting & Sundararajan, ; Ting, Sundararajan, & Huang, ).Go beyond positive and negative emotions. Basic emotions may not be the privileged way for Chinese to express themselves (Sundararajan, ). Furthermore, for those who are hardest hit by the cultural value mismatch of urbanisation, happiness or sadness is like tempest in a teapot, when they are grappling with issues of life or death—such as drug addiction or AIDS epidemic (see Ting et al, ; Ting & Sundararajan, ).…”
Throughout history, collectivism has contributed much to social bonding and human wellness. However, it remains unclear whether the collectivism‐wellness equation still applies, when there is a mismatch between the collectivistic values and the ecological environment of urbanisation. Testing the hypothesis of cultural value mismatch (e.g., high urbanised & high collectivistic, or low urbanised & low collectivistic), two studies were designed to examine the relationship between collectivism and emotional wellbeing in China, with urbanisation as moderator. Based on the emotion analysis of tweets among 1.6 millions of Weibo users, Study 1 found that the province‐level collectivism scores were significantly and positively related to negative emotions in high urbanised provinces, but this relationship was not significant in low or middle urbanised provinces. Using a nationwide survey dataset, Study 2 showed that, on the individual level, those with higher collectivism reported less negative emotions, but only in low‐ and middle‐urbanised provinces, not in high‐urbanised provinces. On positive emotions in all areas, the positive effect of collectivism was observed on individual level, but not on province level. These findings support the value mismatch hypothesis of urbanisation, suggesting that the purchasing power of collectivism on wellbeing is compromised in urbanising China.
“…In future studies, to reach those who are not graced by the fruits of modernity such as education and employment, and who therefore may be the hardest hit by the cultural value‐mismatch of urbanisation, the following suggestions may be considered: Qualitative or mixed methods may be helpful (see Ting & Sundararajan, ; Ting, Sundararajan, & Huang, ).Go beyond positive and negative emotions. Basic emotions may not be the privileged way for Chinese to express themselves (Sundararajan, ). Furthermore, for those who are hardest hit by the cultural value mismatch of urbanisation, happiness or sadness is like tempest in a teapot, when they are grappling with issues of life or death—such as drug addiction or AIDS epidemic (see Ting et al, ; Ting & Sundararajan, ).…”
Throughout history, collectivism has contributed much to social bonding and human wellness. However, it remains unclear whether the collectivism‐wellness equation still applies, when there is a mismatch between the collectivistic values and the ecological environment of urbanisation. Testing the hypothesis of cultural value mismatch (e.g., high urbanised & high collectivistic, or low urbanised & low collectivistic), two studies were designed to examine the relationship between collectivism and emotional wellbeing in China, with urbanisation as moderator. Based on the emotion analysis of tweets among 1.6 millions of Weibo users, Study 1 found that the province‐level collectivism scores were significantly and positively related to negative emotions in high urbanised provinces, but this relationship was not significant in low or middle urbanised provinces. Using a nationwide survey dataset, Study 2 showed that, on the individual level, those with higher collectivism reported less negative emotions, but only in low‐ and middle‐urbanised provinces, not in high‐urbanised provinces. On positive emotions in all areas, the positive effect of collectivism was observed on individual level, but not on province level. These findings support the value mismatch hypothesis of urbanisation, suggesting that the purchasing power of collectivism on wellbeing is compromised in urbanising China.
“…The study found that participants' image of parents based on the worker, and pa gher on positiv ce. (Table 3) articipants' sp this study diff d between these ons among pa t correlation w ure God attach articipants' sp attachment also t with mother and face; anxio n and negative t positive corr r had significa (Sundararajan, 2015). 'Teng'(疼).…”
As research on attachment has exploded, theories and studies on attachment and spirituality also flourished in the west. In contrast, similar researches are scarce in China. Are the attachment theories and measurements applicable universally? Are there any links between parental attachment and God attachment? The present study used mixed methods to examine these questions. First, 355 Christians from Mainland China finished the Relationship Structures Questionnaire (ECR-RS), Attachment to God Inventory, God Image Scales, and Chinese Personality Assessment Inventory-2. Next, a sample of 11 participants were purposefully selected for face-to-face interviews to provide an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon through their life stories and spiritual experiences. Survey results showed significant correlations between parental attachment and spirituality and supported the correspondence theory. Additionally, the higher scores on traditional cultural personality traits correlated with higher scores on insecure attachment. Analysis of themes across 11 cases further revealed patterns between secure/insecure parental attachment and God attachment. Application of western attachment scales in the context of Chinese characteristic parenting styles are discussed.
“…The pain prompts the experiencer to do something all the time to make sure that the other is well taken care of, and this pain may be soothed momentarily by care. (Sundararajan , 80)…”
This paper is about interaction in the clinic of Dr. Song Yujin, a physician who practices “Chinese medical psychology” in Beijing, China. In particular, we highlight how Dr. Song challenges deep‐seated ideas about family, personhood, and healing among his patients. Through close study of one interaction that Dr. Song has with a patient and her family, we demonstrate how Dr. Song draws upon prosody, gaze, teaching talk, and terminology to construct a local metapragmatic framework within which his utterances, gestures, and other semiotic devices can be interpreted as appropriate and familiar yet also strange and challenging. By examining Dr. Song's approach as it occurs in a contentious clinical “border zone” involving texts, bodies, and medical practices, we demonstrate how an emphasis on the micropolitics of interaction in specific clinical contexts can complement the scholarly study of cultural, social, medical, and personal change over time. This approach, we argue, has broad implications for the ways in which linguistic anthropology can contribute to the ethnographic study of cultural change as it emerges in complex interactions that often hinge on the tension between cooperation and resistance.
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