The role of syllable structure in external sandhi: An EPG study of vocalisation and retraction in word-final English /l/

Scobbie, James M.; Pouplier, Marianne

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2009.10.005

Cited by 54 publications

(56 citation statements)

References 25 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…These observations are thus consistent with our current results showing different kinds of assimilation between stops/affricates and fricatives. The similarity between within-word and acrossword sequences is consistent with predictions of the episodic gestural model (Scobbie and Pouplier 2010), which proposes that combinations of gestures arising in connected speech tend to 'reuse' the highly rehearsed word-internal gestural routines. In other words, across-word nasal + consonant sequences in Spanish are copies of the same gestural combinations within words.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 76%

Spanish nasal assimilation revisited: A cross-dialect electropalatographic study

Kochetov

Colantoni

2011

Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 76%

Spanish nasal assimilation revisited: A cross-dialect electropalatographic study

Kochetov

Colantoni

2011

Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…While patterns of variation in /l/-darkness differ considerably between dialects of English and even between individual speakers (e.g., Scobbie & Pouplier, 2010), we do not believe that dialect differences between our speakers and speakers included in previous studies can explain our pattern of results. We would not expect the same factors to condition variation in /l/-darkness across studies carried out among distinct populations.…”

Section: Evidence Of Morphological Darkening and Lightening Effectsmentioning

confidence: 50%

“…Following Sproat and Fujimura (1993), a number of works argue that light and dark /l/ are points on a phonetic continuum of /l/-darkness, rather than categorically distinct allophones (e.g., Huffman, 1997;Lee-Kim et al, 2013). Others, however, argue that a categorical distinction between dark and light /l/ coexists with gradient effects on /l/-darkness (e.g., Scobbie & Pouplier, 2010;Yuan & Liberman, 2011a;Bermúdez-Otero & Trousdale, 2012;Turton, 2014Turton, , 2017.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Work on /l/ also includes a significant number of acoustic and imaging studies on the realization of /l/ in English (e.g., Lehiste, 1964;Sproat & Fujimura, 1993;Gick, 2003;Scobbie & Pouplier, 2010;Proctor & Walker, 2012) and various languages (e.g., Recasens & Espinosa, 2005;Recasens, 2012). In English, the distribution and realization of allophones of /l/ varies significantly across dialects and this dialectal variation has also been subject to extensive instrumental investigations (e.g., Scobbie & Wrench, 2003;Carter & Local, 2007;Turton, morphological constituency andsegmental context Art.…”

Section: Previous Researchmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

North American /l/ both darkens and lightens depending on morphological constituency and segmental context

Mackenzie

Olson

Clayards

et al. 2018

Laboratory Phonology: Journal of the Association for Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

It is uncontroversial that, in many varieties of English, the realization of /l/ varies depending on whether /l/ occurs word-initially or word-finally. The nature of this effect, however, remains controversial. Previous analyses alternately analyzed the variation as darkening or lightening, and alternately found evidence that the variation involves a categorical distinction between allophones or a gradient scale conditioned by phonetic factors. We argue that these diverging conclusions are a result of the numerous factors influencing /l/ darkness and differences between studies in terms of which factors are considered. By controlling for a range of factors, our study demonstrates a pattern of variability that has not been shown in previous work. We find evidence of morpheme-final darkening and morpheme-initial lightening when compared to a baseline of morpheme-internal /l/. We also find segmental effects such that, in segmental contexts which independently darken /l/, one can observe /l/ lightening, and contexts which independently lighten /l/ can make lightening effects undetectable. Morphological and prosodic effects are hence sometimes trumped by segmental context. Once contextual effects are controlled for, there is evidence both for morphologically-conditioned /l/-darkening and for morphologicallyconditioned /l/-lightening, both of which can be understood as a result of prosodic differences reflecting morphological junctures.

show abstract

“…If our analysis is correct, then ASL sign lowering stands as one more piece of evidence that apparently categorical behaviour can sometimes be produced by inherently continuous processes under special conditions -an idea that phonologists are increasingly coming to terms with (e.g., Gafos & Benus 2006;Wedel 2007;Scobbie & Pouplier 2010).…”

Section: Reduction and Phonological Representationsmentioning

confidence: 84%

ASL sign lowering as undershoot: A corpus study

Russell

Wilkinson

Janzen

2011

Laboratory Phonology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

American Sign Language (ASL) signs that are located on the forehead in their canonical form are often articulated lower during natural signing. Previous studies have examined this phenomenon from a phonetic perspective, treating it as a form of undershoot, and from a variationist sociolinguistic perspective, treating it as a categorical process. This study sees if the findings and explanations of these studies can be extended to the lowering of signs formed in locations other than the forehead. In a corpus of natural conversational signing from six signers, we measure the vertical displacement of over 3000 tokens of signs canonically formed at the face, head, or neck. While there is some apparent evidence for a categorical lowering process in a minority of signs and considerable evidence for undershoot, neither alone can explain the full range of displacement patterns across all signs and locations. Undershoot must be carefully planned and controlled: no matter how sloppy the signing, signers systematically avoid contacting their eyes. The results can be explained if there is a somatosensory forward-modelling mechanism that can veto undesirable gestural scores and whose decisions are incorporated during learning into the phonological distributions representing the locations of signs.

show abstract

The role of syllable structure in external sandhi: An EPG study of vocalisation and retraction in word-final English /l/

Cited by 54 publications

References 25 publications

Spanish nasal assimilation revisited: A cross-dialect electropalatographic study

Spanish nasal assimilation revisited: A cross-dialect electropalatographic study

North American /l/ both darkens and lightens depending on morphological constituency and segmental context

ASL sign lowering as undershoot: A corpus study

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About