In the past, the nature of the compositional units proposed for spoken language has largely diverged from the types of control units pursued in the domains of other skilled motor tasks. A classic source of evidence as to the units structuring speech has been patterns observed in speech errors -"slips of the tongue". The present study reports, for the first time, on kinematic data from tongue and lip movements during speech errors elicited in the laboratory using a repetition task. Our data are consistent with the hypothesis that speech production results from the assembly of dynamically defined action units -gestures -in a linguistically structured environment. The experimental results support both the presence of gestural units and the dynamical properties of these units and their coordination. This study of speech articulation shows that it is possible to develop a principled account of spoken language within a more general theory of action.

This study systematically investigates the temporal organization of American English onset and coda consonant clusters on the basis of kinematic data. Results from seven speakers suggest that consonants in complex onsets are organized globally with respect to the following vowel, while consonants in complex codas are organized locally relative to the preceding vowel. These results support the competitive coupling model hypothesized for complex onsets, a model according to which consonant gestures in onsets are each coupled in-phase to the vowel, and antiphase with each other. The results are overall also consistent with the noncompetitive coupling relations assumed for codas, by which only the first consonant in a cluster is coupled antiphase with the vowel, and any subsequent consonants are coupled antiphase to each other. However, our data also show that the segmental composition of the cluster affects the timing relationship in codas, particularly /lC/ coda clusters pattern differently from other clusters and do not adhere to the predicted timing relations. The data contribute to our understanding of the interaction of linguistic structure and motor control of the articulators in speech production.

We propose an estimation approach to analyse correlated functional data which are observed on unequal grids or even sparsely. The model we use is a functional linear mixed model, a functional analogue of the linear mixed model. Estimation is based on dimension reduction via functional principal component analysis and on mixed model methodology. Our procedure allows the decomposition of the arXiv:1508.01686v1 [stat.ME] 7 Aug 2015 2 Jona Cederbaum et al.variability in the data as well as the estimation of mean effects of interest and borrows strength across curves. Confidence bands for mean effects can be constructed conditional on estimated principal components. We provide R-code implementing our approach. The method is motivated by and applied to data from speech production research.

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In the past years, there have been an increasing number of instrumental investigations as to the nature of speech production errors, prompted by the concern that decades of transcription-based speech error data may be tainted by perceptual biases. While all of these instrumental studies suggest that errors are not, as previously thought, necessarily a matter of all-or-none, it is unclear what implications these studies have for phonological encoding as a cognitive process. Due to their repetition-based design, the ill-formed errors obtained in these studies may be articulation errors rather than cognitive planning errors. The present study reports for the first time tongue movement data collected during an error elicitation study based on the SLIP technique, which has traditionally been hypothesized to elicit errors at the phonological planning level. Results indicate that tongue kinematics during errors in the present task are comparable to those found in errorful utterances in repetition tasks. The findings are interpreted within a dynamic model of speech production as errors in phasing between the interacting consonant gestures.

Speech errors are known to exhibit an intrusion bias in that segments are added rather than deleted; also, a shared final consonant can cause an interaction of the initial consonants. A principled connection between these two phenomena has been drawn in a gestural account of errors: Articulatory measures revealed a preponderance of errors in which both the target and intruding gesture are coproduced, instead of one replacing the other. This gestural intrusion bias has been interpreted as an errorful coupling of gestures in a dynamically stable coordination mode (1:1, in-phase), triggered by the presence of a shared coda consonant. Capturing tongue motion with ultrasound, the current paper investigates whether shared gestural composition other than a coda can trigger gestural co-production errors. Subjects repeated two-word phrases with alternating initial stop or fricative consonants in a coda condition (e.g., top cop), a nocoda condition (e.g., taa kaa) and a three-word phrase condition (e.g., taa kaa taa). The no-coda condition showed a lower error rate than the coda condition. The three-word phrase condition elicited an intermediate error rate for the stop consonants, but a high error rate for the fricative alternations. While all conditions exhibited both substitution and coproduction errors, a gestural intrusion bias emerged mainly for the coda condition. The findings suggest that the proportion of different error types (substitutions, co-production errors) differs as a function of stimulus type: not all alternating stimulus patterns that trigger errors result in an intrusion bias.

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It is well known that speech errors in normal and aphasic speakers share cer-tain key characteristics. Traditionally, many of these errors are regarded as serial misorderings of abstract phonological segments, which maintain the phonetic well-formedness of the utterance. The current paper brings together the results of several articulatory studies undertaken independently for both subject popula-tions. These show that, in an error, instead of one segment substituting for another, two segments are often produced simultaneously even though only one segment may be heard. Such data pose problems for current models of speech production by suggesting that the commonly assumed dichotomous distinction between phonological and phonetic errors may not be tenable in the current form or may even be altogether redundant.