The Right to Vote and the Rise of Democracy, 1787-1828

Abstract

Historians and political scientists continue to emphasize the connection between the expansion of the suffrage to almost all adult white males and Andrew Jackson's election to the presidency in 1828. That interpretation has the unfortunate effect of preventing general appreciation of what has been clear to specialists for decades, that the suffrage had significantly expanded and the United States become in many ways a functioning democracy long before 1815. Even before the Revolution at least 60 percent of adult white males had been able to vote, and that figure had expanded significantly by 1787. The traditional belief that voting must be restricted to those with a "stake in society" still persisted, but increasingly the stake was measured less by the freehold ownership of landed property than by measures of civic involvement such as taxpaying, militia service, and evidences of social contribution. Qualifications defined by wealth were gradually undermined by inflation, and restrictions on voting proved difficult to enforce in practice. After partisan differences became inflamed in the 1790s, turnouts rose to unprecedented—and sometimes unrepeated—levels. In the end this pressure from below created a situation in which even conservatives thought that honest elections required the legal recognition of what was in fact happening at the polls. There was no constitutional revolution in the 1820s, except in New York, and the growing political agitation that resulted in Jackson's election was nothing more than the application to presidential elections of what had become commonplace in many states before 1815.

Vetoes in the Early Republic: A Defense of Norms

“…Perhaps elite domination of elections implies the absence of a broad electorate or that, because elites were well informed about the president's views, blame game vetoes would reveal no new information to the relevant audience (elites). However, as Donald Ratcliffe (, 234) notes, although “historians have commonly assumed that in the early republic the voters exercised their electoral privilege under the close supervision of their social superiors,” in fact, “elite control did not generally extend to the electoral process.” Voting by secret ballot, rather than viva voce , was the norm in this period (Ratcliffe , 235).…”

Democracy and Collective Identity in the EU and the USA

“…As a separate issue, the processes by which the European and American unions emerged were distinct, and that may have (through some means) led to different judgements about the importance of democratic participation. In addition, the fact that suffrage was limited in the early USA to only a fraction of the adult population – on average, about 60 to 90 per cent of all white men (Ratcliffe, , p. 230) – contrasts with the universal franchise of contemporary Europe.…”

The South, Slavery, and Competition in Early US House Elections

“…Historical evidence makes it apparent that prior to the presidential election of Andrew Jackson in 1828, the eligible electorate varied considerably depending on the region, state, and local setting (Ratcliffe 2013; Wilentz 2005; Williamson 1960). Further, although widespread adoption of the secret ballot did not materialize until the 1890s (Jenkins 2004), in many places voting using “written ballots became the norm” (Wilentz 2005: 28) and “[a]s a result—and contrary to common historical opinion—the secret ballot was the norm in the early republic” (Ratcliffe 2013: 235). Yet evidence of an unofficial and certainly far from foolproof form of voting cannot inform us of the possible high degree of variation in the actual process of casting one's ballot.…”