The FBI and the Politics of the Riots, 1964-1968

O'Reilly, Kenneth

doi:10.2307/1889656

Cited by 43 publications

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“…Riots in Harlem, Rochester, and Philadelphia presented political obstacles for launching President Johnson's War on Poverty. 1 Relatedly, the response of law and order to riots and rioters created more tension between blacks in urban areas and local police officers (O'Reilly, 1988).…”

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confidence: 99%

An evaluation of the Federal Legal Services Program: Evidence from crime rates and property values

Cunningham

2016

Journal of Urban Economics

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This paper uses the city level roll-out of legal service grants to evaluate their effects on crime. Using Uniform Crime Reports from 1960 to 1985, the results show that there is a short run increase of 7 percent in crimes reported and also a 13 percent increase in crimes cleared by arrest. Results show an increase in the staffing of police officers in cities that received legal services. These cities are also associated with having higher median property values 10 years later. This supports the narrative that legal services changed police behavior through litigation or threats of litigation.

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confidence: 99%

An evaluation of the Federal Legal Services Program: Evidence from crime rates and property values

Cunningham

2016

Journal of Urban Economics

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“… 11. The scale and significance of Watts (Hill 1965a, 1965b) dwarfed the smaller riots that preceded it (Janowitz 1979; O’Reilly 1988; “Text of F.B.I. Report” 1964).…”

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confidence: 99%

The Origins of Race-conscious Affirmative Action in Undergraduate Admissions

Stulberg

Chen

2013

Sociol Educ

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What explains the rise of race-conscious affirmative action policies in undergraduate admissions? The dominant theory posits that adoption of such policies was precipitated by urban and campus unrest in the North during the late 1960s. Based on primary research in a sample of 17 selective schools, we find limited support for the dominant theory. Affirmative action arose in two distinct waves during the 1960s. A first wave was launched in the early 1960s by northern college administrators inspired by nonviolent civil rights protests in the South. A second wave of affirmative action emerged in the late 1960s, primarily as a response to campus-based student protests. Most late-adopting schools were those most favored by the Protestant upper class. Our findings are most consistent with a theoretical perspective on institutional change in which social movements' effects are mediated by the moral and ideological beliefs of key administrators.Why, how, and through what mechanisms were race-conscious affirmative action programs originally instituted in college admissions? The dominant theory, which comes from the sociological literature on institutional change in higher education, attributes the rise of race-conscious affirmative action to two specific types of social disruption during the late 1960s. According to this view, campus protests and urban riots in the North posed a powerful new threat to the symbolic legitimacy of the social order. College administrators resolved the problem by incorporating racial considerations into the admissions process. Under this theory, race-conscious affirmative action was prompted by social upheavals in the late 1960s that precipitated a cultural shift in the permissibility of race-sensitive policies. This theory is widely influential, but the empirical evidence to substantiate it is limited.Our article contributes to the literature by analyzing the origins of race-conscious affirmative action in a nonrandom purposive sample of 17 highly selective undergraduate institutions. Drawing on new

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“…What this has meant in more specific historical terms is that the FBI has served as America's secret police: covertly identifying as subversive and in many cases actively intervening against those individuals, organizations, and movements it deems a threat to national security and domestic order. In geographic terms, this has also meant the definition, management, and control of particular unruly spaces: labor halls, black ghettos, and, by 1973, Indian reservations (Churchill and Vander Wall 1988;O'Reilly 1983O'Reilly , 1988O'Reilly , 1989Potter 1998).…”

Section: The H Rap Brown Act At Wounded Kneementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Between passage of the H Rap Brown Act and its deployment at Wounded Knee roughly five years later, however, the FBI underwent a significant transformation, in which its previous power and autonomy under Hoover were undermined. 12 Disclosure of the aggressive, sometimes illegal manner in which the FBI policed domestic political dissent led to reforms that limited the scope of the organization's power Vander Wall 1988, 1990;O'Reilly 1988O'Reilly , 1989. In the wake of the events of September 11, 2001, however, Attorney General John Ashcroft has worked aggressively not just to restore such power, but arguably to extend it.…”

Section: Conclusion: Publicity Scale and State Powermentioning

confidence: 99%

Protest, Scale, and Publicity: The FBI and the H Rap Brown Act

D'Arcus

2003

Antipode

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This paper deals with issues of political dissent and the geography of state power through the lens of a particular law and its deployment by the US state in the context of the 1973 occupation of Wounded Knee, South Dakota by American Indian Movement activists and local residents. I explore how the state responded to the highly mediated nature of the Wounded Knee occupation through tactics that minimized the visibility of its efforts to contain the protest. These efforts, I argue, also constituted a broader politics of scale. I begin with a theoretical discussion of the intersection of protest, scale and publicity. I then use the empirical example of the H Rap Brown Act to show how these dynamics were being reworked in the US during the late 1960s and early 1970s. In particular, I place the emergence of the H Rap Brown Act within a context of changing geographies of race and state power, more specifically as they were articulated around the unrest that was engulfing American cities. I then analyze how the law was deployed by the state during the 1973 occupation of Wounded Knee. Finally, I conclude with a discussion of what the case of the H Rap Brown Act has to tell us more broadly about our theoretical understandings of the geographies of public protest.[T]he most serious domestic crisis facing America today is the ominous threat of riots and mob violence that hangs like a pall over many of our cities. We believe that the vast majority of the people share this opinion.… The majority of the committee has responded to this crisis by ordering reported a bill which will give added protection to roving fomenters of violence, such as Stokely Carmichael and H Rap Brown. 1 (US Senators James Eastland and Strom Thurmond in US Senate 1967:15)

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The FBI and the Politics of the Riots, 1964-1968

Cited by 43 publications

References 0 publications

An evaluation of the Federal Legal Services Program: Evidence from crime rates and property values

An evaluation of the Federal Legal Services Program: Evidence from crime rates and property values

The Origins of Race-conscious Affirmative Action in Undergraduate Admissions

Protest, Scale, and Publicity: The FBI and the H Rap Brown Act

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