Abstract:Since the end of the last century, more than 10% of students in Catalonia's schools are immigrants, mostly concentrated in areas of Catalonia where the population speaks Castilian in everyday life. Although these newcomers are educated in Catalan, the majority use diverse varieties of Spanish as their language of everyday communication. In the case of students from Latin America, it is possible to observe the emergence of a new repertoire that shares traits of different varieties of Spanish spoken in South Ame… Show more
“…For example, cosmopolitan attitudes have been observed in groups ranging from autochthonous youths to adult new speakers who may learn Catalan for pragmatic professional reasons or personal fulfillment (Frekko , Soler ). For many immigrants, cosmopolitan stances are solutions for unease with traditional nationalist political rhetoric in Catalonia (Corona et al , Newman, Patiño‐Santos and Trenchs‐Parera , Pujolar and González , Woolard ). Woolard and Frekko () argue that, even for natives, Catalan identity is becoming divested from its ethnic core, which ‘is replaced with a “civic” identity that marshals Catalan as a resource for constructing cosmopolitan selves’.…”
Section: Sociolinguistic Context and Impacts: Research On Language Atmentioning
This, the second of two articles on Catalonian language policies and their sociolinguistic effects, reviews research related to the current policy called the Pla per la Llengua i la Cohesió Social (Plan for Language and Social Cohesion) inaugurated in 2004. The Plan addresses a situation in which Catalan is stable demolinguistically but in which globalization and international immigration are seen as long‐term threats to the language's vitality. In addition, language planners were and remain concerned with preserving social cohesion in a much more linguistically and culturally diverse society.
We show that this policy builds on and maintains the infrastructure of the prior Normalization policy discussed in Part 1. Nevertheless, it presents a late modern ethos in favor of societal multilingualism that transcends the position in favor of bilingualism aimed for by Normalization. We argue that research on Catalonian society's response to this policy shows some difficulties with implementation and a continuing preoccupation with traditional essentialist ethnolinguistic concerns by some Catalonians. However, we also find that this late modern ethos of multilingualism is assumed by large segments of Catalan society as a representing forward‐looking desirable cosmopolitan identity. The article ends with an overview of how recent political developments in relation to Catalonia's political status are linked to language policy and use.
“…For example, cosmopolitan attitudes have been observed in groups ranging from autochthonous youths to adult new speakers who may learn Catalan for pragmatic professional reasons or personal fulfillment (Frekko , Soler ). For many immigrants, cosmopolitan stances are solutions for unease with traditional nationalist political rhetoric in Catalonia (Corona et al , Newman, Patiño‐Santos and Trenchs‐Parera , Pujolar and González , Woolard ). Woolard and Frekko () argue that, even for natives, Catalan identity is becoming divested from its ethnic core, which ‘is replaced with a “civic” identity that marshals Catalan as a resource for constructing cosmopolitan selves’.…”
Section: Sociolinguistic Context and Impacts: Research On Language Atmentioning
This, the second of two articles on Catalonian language policies and their sociolinguistic effects, reviews research related to the current policy called the Pla per la Llengua i la Cohesió Social (Plan for Language and Social Cohesion) inaugurated in 2004. The Plan addresses a situation in which Catalan is stable demolinguistically but in which globalization and international immigration are seen as long‐term threats to the language's vitality. In addition, language planners were and remain concerned with preserving social cohesion in a much more linguistically and culturally diverse society.
We show that this policy builds on and maintains the infrastructure of the prior Normalization policy discussed in Part 1. Nevertheless, it presents a late modern ethos in favor of societal multilingualism that transcends the position in favor of bilingualism aimed for by Normalization. We argue that research on Catalonian society's response to this policy shows some difficulties with implementation and a continuing preoccupation with traditional essentialist ethnolinguistic concerns by some Catalonians. However, we also find that this late modern ethos of multilingualism is assumed by large segments of Catalan society as a representing forward‐looking desirable cosmopolitan identity. The article ends with an overview of how recent political developments in relation to Catalonia's political status are linked to language policy and use.
“…Romance languages are found in the same contexte.g., French and Kreyòl (a French-based creole) in Haiti (Doucet 2003), Portuguese and French in Portuguese immigrant communities in France (Koven 2007), Corsican and French in France (Jaffe 2009), Kréyol and French in Guadeloupe (Tessoneau 2005), Catalan (↗19 Catalan) along with Castilian and several South American varieties of Spanish in Catalonia (Corona/Nussbaum/Unamuno 2013;Woolard 1997), Bergamesco and standard Italian in Italy (↗28 Italy and the Italian-Speaking Regions) (Cavanaugh 2006), and Nones and Trentino as well as standard Italian in Italy (Fellin 2002). In these cases, it is not always clear which Romance language holds more prestige as different forms of symbolic capital accrue to each in different ways.…”
Section: Language Socializationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…South American immigrant children in Barcelona schools can also be seen to be co-constructing through peer socialization novel linguistic repertoires for the expression of new and distinctive identities (Corona/Nussbaum/Unamuno 2013). And in the case of southern Spain (García-Sánchez 2012), Spanish-speaking children adopt authority positions, exclude immigrant children, and influence perceptions of social identity (i.e., the teacher's negative perceptions of the Moroccan children).…”
Section: Communicative Acts Stances and Subjectivities In The Romanmentioning
This chapter surveys the research that has been conducted on language socialization in the Romance world. It begins with an introduction to the concept of language socialization in general and Romance language socialization in particular. Next, it looks at how Romance languages have been incorporated into the everyday lives of communities around the world and how language ideologies and socializing practices have had an impact on the transmission and transformation of these languages and the communicative competence and cultural knowledge associated with them (i.e., the language-culture complex) in both monolingual and multilingual contexts. The final section reviews research that identifies how discourse participation in socialization contexts contributes to the construction of social identities and social organization in the Romance language-speaking world. The conclusion presents a plea for further study of language socialization in the Romance world.
“…There are complex histories (which have involved violent struggles within what are currently constituted as national states), contemporary relationships within the states and with others (including the transnational citizenship of the European Union (EU)) and demographic diversity that are relevant to citizenship and identity. To choose two examples, in England it is likely that someone might have simultaneously British, English, Muslim and Pakistani heritage identities (Ross, 2007); in Catalonia, someone could reasonably identify with Catalan, Spanish speakers, Latino and regional groups (Corona et al, 2013). The first person would, perhaps, hold a UK passport and the second a Spanish and Colombian passport, both being citizens of the EU.…”
We discuss the ways in which English and Catalan students perceive themselves as members of communities and as citizens and the role of schools in these perceptions. Questionnaire and interview data were collected and analysed from 583 secondary school students in a total of 9 schools that were known for their commitment to citizenship education in England and Catalonia. The research took place when issues of national and other identities were prominently discussed in the media and elsewhere and when significant changes were being introduced in both locations regarding citizenship education as a specific curriculum subject and also in the wider context of education and schooling. Our results suggest that while the English students in our sample understand citizenship in terms of a subjective identification, our Catalan students perceive citizenship as a legal and externally assigned status. We did not intend to obtain nationally representative samples but rather to gain in-depth knowledge of the data and to discuss the implications of these results for the differing purposes of citizenship education. We make recommendations for how school-based citizenship education may contribute to current challenges related to citizenship and identities.
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