2001
DOI: 10.1177/00238309010440010101
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The Effects of Parallelism and Prosody in the Processing of Gapping Structures

Abstract: Two studies explored the processing of ambiguous sentences like Bill took chips to the party and Susan to the game, which may be assigned a gapping (Susan took chips) or a nongapping structure (Bill took Susan). The central question was what factors affect the ultimate interpretive preferences for these sentences. In a written questionnaire, sentences with greater parallelism between arguments in the positions of Bill and Susan received more gapping responses, though an overall bias toward the nongapping struc… Show more

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Cited by 95 publications
(115 citation statements)
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References 28 publications
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“…The interrogative context may have introduced a set of alternatives, that could substitute for the interrogative wh-phrase (e.g., Hamblin, 1973), and the availability of this set may provide a natural contrast for the remnant. The preference may also result from prosodic parallelism between the contextually-focused constituent and the remnant element (e.g., Carlson, 2001;Carlson et al, 2009a on auditory processing). If readers computed an implicit prosodic focus structure during reading (Bader, 1998;Fodor, 1998Fodor, , 2002Stolterfoht et al 2007), the remnant and the focused constituent were both discourse-new (and thus accented) while the lexically-focused element was discoursegiven (and possibly deaccented).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…The interrogative context may have introduced a set of alternatives, that could substitute for the interrogative wh-phrase (e.g., Hamblin, 1973), and the availability of this set may provide a natural contrast for the remnant. The preference may also result from prosodic parallelism between the contextually-focused constituent and the remnant element (e.g., Carlson, 2001;Carlson et al, 2009a on auditory processing). If readers computed an implicit prosodic focus structure during reading (Bader, 1998;Fodor, 1998Fodor, , 2002Stolterfoht et al 2007), the remnant and the focused constituent were both discourse-new (and thus accented) while the lexically-focused element was discoursegiven (and possibly deaccented).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Previous research has shown that sentence processing is disrupted when a remnant element supplies a contrast that is incongruous with the focused constituent (Carlson, 2001;Paterson et al, 2007; but see Carlson et al, 2009a). Therefore, if prior interrogative context influences the focus structure of the double object sentences, processing should be disrupted when the remnant is incongruous with the constituent that is contextually-focused (5b vs. 5a and 5d vs. 5c).…”
Section: D Focus On Direct Object (Do-context) Incongruous Remnantmentioning
confidence: 96%
“…Frazier and Clifton (2001) originally intended copy-α to apply in a highly restricted range of contexts, particularly in cases where the scope of the left conjunct is unambiguously marked. An example are gapping structures, where parallelism effects are well documented (Carlson, 2002). However, it is clear that a mechanism like copy-α could potentially provide an account for parallelism phenomena if allowed to apply to coordination more generally.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Thus, pronouns tend to be interpreted as coreferential with an antecedent in the same grammatical role (e.g., "William hit Oliver and Rod slapped him" is interpreted as Rod slapping Oliver; Sheldon 1974;Smyth 1994). Likewise, the likelihood of a gapping interpretation of an ambiguous sentence is greater if the relevant arguments are parallel (e.g., "Bill took chips to the party and Susan to the game" is often given an interpretation where Susan took chips to the game; Carlson 2001). Finally, Gagné and Shoben (2002;cf.…”
Section: Alignment At One Level Leads To Alignment At Anothermentioning
confidence: 99%