Abstract:In 2009 Argentina introduced a large poverty-alleviation program (AUH) that provides monthly cash transfers per child to households without workers in the formal sector. In this paper we study the potential unintended effect of this program on fertility. We apply a difference-indifference strategy comparing the probability of having a new child among eligible and ineligible mothers both before and after the program inception. The intention to treat estimations suggest a significant positive impact on fertility… Show more
“…These results confirm those found by Talnan and Vimard (2003). However, this conclusion should be nuanced (Garganta et al, 2016).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…However, it is important to note that some authors have found positive relationships between poverty and fertility, whereas according to others, there is no significant relationship between these variables (Ainsworth, 1989). Applying a difference-in-difference strategy comparing the probability of having a new child among eligible and ineligible mothers both before and after the program inception, Garganta and al. (2016) find a significant and positive impact of cash transfers per child to households without workers in the formal sector on fertility in those households with at least one child, but no significant effect on childless households.…”
The paper proposes to clarify whether fertility decline in Burkina Faso between 2003 and 2015 is explained by the differential distributions (composition effect and response effect) with focus on socioeconomic status (women’s education, women’s occupation and poverty). Using data from 2003 demographic and health survey (DHS) and 2015 demographic and health module of the Multisectoral Continuous Survey, we applied an extension of Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition approach to quantify the percentage of fertility decline attributable to distribution of the socio-economic status (composition effect) and the percentage attributable to women’s fertility behavior (response effect) attributable to socio-economic status. We find the fertility decline is mainly explain to changes in the distribution of women according the different factors. Indeed, the composition effect represents 88% and only 12% for the response effect. Moreover, composition effect for socio-economic factors is estimated to 85.13% and the response effect is estimated to 34.23%. These results suggest (i) to encourage girl’s education by enrolling them in school but particularly by ensuring that they go at least to secondary school; (ii) create a minimum package of services for the promotion of modern methods of contraception, particularly for women working in agriculture and trade sector as well as those from poor households and living in rural areas; (iii) promote domestic work to allow more women to be interested.
“…These results confirm those found by Talnan and Vimard (2003). However, this conclusion should be nuanced (Garganta et al, 2016).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 98%
“…However, it is important to note that some authors have found positive relationships between poverty and fertility, whereas according to others, there is no significant relationship between these variables (Ainsworth, 1989). Applying a difference-in-difference strategy comparing the probability of having a new child among eligible and ineligible mothers both before and after the program inception, Garganta and al. (2016) find a significant and positive impact of cash transfers per child to households without workers in the formal sector on fertility in those households with at least one child, but no significant effect on childless households.…”
The paper proposes to clarify whether fertility decline in Burkina Faso between 2003 and 2015 is explained by the differential distributions (composition effect and response effect) with focus on socioeconomic status (women’s education, women’s occupation and poverty). Using data from 2003 demographic and health survey (DHS) and 2015 demographic and health module of the Multisectoral Continuous Survey, we applied an extension of Blinder-Oaxaca decomposition approach to quantify the percentage of fertility decline attributable to distribution of the socio-economic status (composition effect) and the percentage attributable to women’s fertility behavior (response effect) attributable to socio-economic status. We find the fertility decline is mainly explain to changes in the distribution of women according the different factors. Indeed, the composition effect represents 88% and only 12% for the response effect. Moreover, composition effect for socio-economic factors is estimated to 85.13% and the response effect is estimated to 34.23%. These results suggest (i) to encourage girl’s education by enrolling them in school but particularly by ensuring that they go at least to secondary school; (ii) create a minimum package of services for the promotion of modern methods of contraception, particularly for women working in agriculture and trade sector as well as those from poor households and living in rural areas; (iii) promote domestic work to allow more women to be interested.
“…More recently, Edo and Marchionni (2018) describe positive effects of UCA in intra-year drop out rates and primary education completion rates, with an even greater impact on girls aged 12-17, while less encouraging results on the same subject can be found in D'Elía & Navarro (2013). Garganta et al (2016) found that UCA may be related to a 2% increase of fertility rates in potential beneficiaries, though the program has not demographic objectives-at least explicitly. All of these studies focus on efficacy of UCA as an instrument.…”
This article intends to analyze Universal Child Allowance (UCA)—a large-scale conditional cash transfer (CCT) program in Argentina—from a human rights and constitutional perspective. Conditions required in the UCA system—which covers informal and unemployed workers—are compared to those established in family allowances, the contributory program created for registered workers. These differences in treatment are analyzed in connection with the right to equal treatment, taking into account applicable legal materials, including caselaw and theoretical contributions. After describing CCT programs in general and the specific features of UCA, and outlining Argentina’s constitutional and human rights framework, the article describes the specific conditions—maximum income, nationality, maximum number of covered children—applied only to informal and unregistered workers included in the UCA program. Compared to family allowances beneficiaries, workers under UCA have a much lower maximum wage limit to be eligible, and their children must fulfill nationality or legal residence requirements not applicable under the family allowances system. UCA covers only up to five children per family, while family allowances are paid to every child in formal workers’ families, with no restrictions. The article concludes that these planned differences in treatment are not admissible under Argentina’s human rights obligations and constitutional setting. The article also advocates a human rights-based design for social policies, in order to ensure consistency with Argentina’s Constitution and international obligations.
“…Concerning the potential impact of AUH on schooling, the economic incentives introduced by the program and its conditions may both reduce the likelihood of beneficiary children dropping out of school and encourage dropouts to get back to the education system. Since the program covers a large proportion of Argentinian children and the cash transfer represents a large increase of household income for beneficiary families (Garganta et al, 2016), the impact on school attendance could be potentially strong. Nevertheless, only the empirical evidence can determine the actual relevance of this effect.…”
Argentina has traditionally stood out in terms of educational outcomes among its Latin American counterparts. Schooling of older children, however, still shows room for improvement especially among the more vulnerable. Fortunately, during the last years a sizeable improvement in attendance rates for children aged 15 through 17 took place. This could be related to the 2006 National Education Law that made upper-secondary education compulsory. In this paper, instead, we claim that the Asignación Universal por Hijo (Universal Child Allowance, AUH) -a massive conditional cash transfer program implemented in 2009 in Argentina- may be mostly responsible for this improvement. Using a difference-in-difference strategy we estimate that the program accounts for a 3.9 percentage point increase in the probability of attending secondary school among eligible children aged 15 through 17. The impact seems to be led by boys and is more relevant for children living in larger families where the head of household has a lower educational level.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.