The Decline of Elite Homicide

Cooney, Mark

doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.1997.tb01222.x

Cited by 86 publications

(40 citation statements)

References 49 publications

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“…The historical record from across Medieval Europe (Spierenburg 2008(Spierenburg , 2013) is of a land where revenge killings were rife, blood feuds endemic and a road accident could spiral to interminable cycles of revenge. Tort law arrived in England to provide an alternative, honourable path in adjudication and compensation to revenge killing (Cooney 1997). Even nineteenth-century rural courts in England or in saloons in the wild west of the United States were participatory and male-dominated in ways more like Pakistan's Muslahathi committees than Western jurists like to think!…”

Section: Contextual Variation In Defiancementioning

confidence: 99%

Cascades of Violence: War, Crime and Peacebuilding Across South Asia

D’Costa¹

2018

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Section: Contextual Variation In Defiancementioning

confidence: 99%

Cascades of Violence: War, Crime and Peacebuilding Across South Asia

D’Costa¹

2018

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“…To the pure sociologist, however, these exotic data are vital not just to understanding earlier and structurally simpler societies but are even essential to understanding modern societies. At the risk of immodesty I will use an example from my own work on violence ( [29], [31], Chap. 2).…”

Section: The Lessons Of History and Anthropologymentioning

confidence: 99%

The criminological potential of pure sociology

Cooney

2006

Crime Law Soc Change

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The pure sociology perspective invented by Donald Black, a general theoretical framework for the prediction and explanation of social reality, has considerable potential for the scientific understanding of criminal behavior. Several scholars have profitably drawn upon Black's proposal that a significant amount of crime is a form of disputing or social control, especially to explain violent conflict. However, pure sociology has not yet been extended and applied to criminal behavior more broadly. A pure sociology of predatory behavior, for instance, would address the location and direction in social space of predators, prey, and third parties. In expanding criminological thought, however, pure sociology also challenges it. Pure sociology explanations are not restricted by time or place, a feature not easily realized with a concept so closely tied to a relatively recent social invention: the state. Additionally, the supra-psychological, -anthropocentric, and -teleological nature of pure sociology generates explanations of behavior that are at odds with many of the assumptions of traditional criminology. Ultimately, then, pure sociology yields a new paradigm for the explanation of behavior the state defines as criminal. Criminology has long been hospitable to a diversity of theoretical perspectives. Phenomenology, rational choice theory, Marxism, evolutionary psychology, and a clutch of social psychological explanations have all contributed to a significant growth in our understanding of criminal behavior. Yet gaps undoubtedly remain. A recent addition with much to offer the field is pure sociology. Pure sociology was invented by Donald Black in The Behavior of Law [8], elaborated by him in subsequent publications, and has been applied to a variety of subjects by scholars such as Baumgartner [3][4][5], Borg [21], Campbell [22], Hoffmann [41], Horwitz [42, 43], Phillips [54] (see also Phillips & Cooney [55]), Michalski [49, 50], Morrill [51], Mullis [52], Senechal de la Roche [58, 59], Tucker [67, 68], and myself [28,31]. Since pure sociology represents a new way of explaining social life its application to criminology is not wholly straightforward. The present analysis is divided into two halves, the first addressing how pure sociology differs from

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“…As Cooney (1997) notes, integration is typically indexed as employment or marital status, with those who are gainfully employed or married enjoying more radial status than those who are not. It seems reasonable that the social capital literature is also relevant here, specifically how integrated people are in their social lives.…”

Section: The Contours Of Social Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Black and others argue that a good indicator of normative status would be some sort of proxy for the degree of social control experienced. To illustrate, Cooney (1997) in his discussion of homicide argues that having an arrest record is a good indicator of being subjected to the social control efforts of others, and hence relatively low normative status. In the present case, we anticipate a good proxy for normative status would be an indicator for respondents who anticipate they would also end up in a FEMA trailer park if the same thing happened to them.…”

Section: The Contours Of Social Controlmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Cultural status, or conventionality and alignment with the culture of the majority is measured as a dummy variable coded 1 for white respondents and 0 otherwise. Following Cooney (1997) we also measure cultural status as educational attainment using a collapsed three-category measure capturing less than high school, at least a high school degree, and some college experience or more.…”

Section: Primary Explanatory Variablesmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Fema Trailer Parks: Negative Perceptions and the Social Structure of Avoidance

Lee

Weil

Shihadeh

2007

Sociological Spectrum

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In recent years, negative media attention has fostered the impression that Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) parks are social wastelands filled with criminal elements and other undesirables. FEMA parks have subsequently come to be viewed by some as a major threat to the safety and quality of life of the local communities in which they are situated. This analysis addresses attitudes toward FEMA trailer parks in Baton Rouge after Hurricane Katrina among Baton Rouge residents. Drawing on the Locally Undesirable Land Use=Not in My Backyard (LULU=NIMBY) literature, the contact hypothesis, and a broad paradigm of social status and social control, we hypothesize that spatial proximity, contact, and social status will influence negative perceptions of the parks, while these same factors along with the negative perceptions will influence avoidance behaviors. The results indicate that living near a FEMA park is associated with less negative perceptions, while actually seeing trailer park residents is associated with more negative perceptions and a greater odds of avoidance, particularly changing driving routes. Whites are particularly concerned about crime associated with the parks, but interracial trust reduces negative perceptions of the parks and the likelihood of avoidance. Those who are likely to end up in a FEMA park if they were in the same situation are more friendly toward the parks and less likely to use avoidance techniques,The data used in this article were collected under support from grant number SES-0554572 to the three authors from the National Science Foundation. The findings reported here do not represent the views, opinions, or policies of the National Science Foundation. A draft of this article was presented at the annual meeting of the Mid-South Sociological Association, October 2006 in Lafayette, LA. We appreciate helpful comments from several anonymous reviewers on a prior draft of this article.Address and negative perceptions themselves are strong predictors of avoidance behaviors. We conclude with a discussion of directions for future research.

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The Decline of Elite Homicide

Cited by 86 publications

References 49 publications

Cascades of Violence: War, Crime and Peacebuilding Across South Asia

Cascades of Violence: War, Crime and Peacebuilding Across South Asia

The criminological potential of pure sociology

The Fema Trailer Parks: Negative Perceptions and the Social Structure of Avoidance

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