The Brazilian Rise and the Elusive South American Balance

Schenoni, Luis L.

doi:10.2139/ssrn.2613328

Cited by 11 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Complementario a ese proceso y adelantado por las potencias regionales emergentes, puntualmente en el caso que se analiza de Brasil, las potencias secundarias en Suramérica, Argentina, Chile, Colombia y Venezuela (Flemes, 2012a), también contaron con óptimas condiciones económicas, hecho que les brindó un espacio para diversificar su agenda en materia de política exterior, al consolidar el discurso sobre la CSS como un factor clave para fortalecer su identidad y ampliar de esta forma sus lazos sociales, comerciales y políticos con sus vecinos, a través del intercambio de experiencias y conocimientos adquiridos por sus instituciones; es decir, su expertise institucional, en busca de espacios autónomos fuera del eje de influencia de la potencia regional. Schenoni (2014) señala que, a medida que Brasil incrementa su poder a nivel global, las potencias medias de la región buscan salvaguardar su autonomía. Si bien estos países reconocen a Brasil como un socio importante, comercialmente no dependen de este, pues su agenda comercial es mucho más diversificada, tanto respecto de aliados para la cooperación al desarrollo como de socios comerciales estratégicos.…”

Section: Evoluciónunclassified

La cooperación sur-sur de Brasil y Colombia: entre la política exterior y el desarrollo

Camacho

2018

Pap.polit.

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anterior, el objetivo de este artículo es analizar la CSS, tanto de Brasil como de Colombia, como herramienta de política exterior a través de dos factores: la identidad y la expertise institucional. AbstractSouth-South cooperation is a complementary modality to the traditional North-South Cooperation, which has been strengthened throughout this century as a soft power instrument executed by the countries of the global South. South America has been the most active region to obtain a greater degree of political and economic autonomy in the definition of its development projects, and also to improve its positioning and visibility within the international development cooperation system. Such is the case of the strategies adopted by Brazil and Colombia in terms of cooperation, which will be initially defined as the appearance of their national interests through the design and implementation of their foreign policy. Therefore, the objective of this article is to analyze the SSC of Brazil and Colombia as a foreign policy tool through two factors: identity and institutional expertise.

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Section: Evoluciónunclassified

La cooperación sur-sur de Brasil y Colombia: entre la política exterior y el desarrollo

Camacho

2018

Pap.polit.

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“…Executives generally play the leading part in defining foreign policy strategies, and Latin American presidents have exceptionally wide-ranging competences if compared to other executive powers in democratic regimes (Shugart and Carey 1992;O'Donell 1994). The region's 'summitry' (Feinberg 2006) is exemplary for the decisive influence of Latin American presidents in the process of foreign policy making Schenoni 2015), which positions them as the central actors employing or avoidingdeclaratory regionalism.…”

Section: Measuring Declaratory Regionalismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This highlights the Brazilian origin of the concept in (Moniz Bandeira 2006) and Brasilia's interest in promoting it (Teixeira 2012). The countries that have sought to limit Brazil's influence in the region, including the fifth country in the Southern Cone, Chile, as well as Colombia (Schenoni 2015) and Venezuela (Flemes and Wehner 2015), in turn, tended to avoid the use of the concept. As a way of discursive contestation, they preferred to refer more broadly to Latin America instead, although Chavez's Venezuela would later incorporate the South American discourse as well (Chodor & McCathy-Jones 2013).…”

Section: Figure 2 Number Of Allusions By Regional Clustermentioning

confidence: 99%

Latin American Declaratory Regionalism: An Analysis of Presidential Discourse (1994-2014)

Jenne

Schenoni

2015

SSRN Journal

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The Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies (RSCAS), created in 1992 and directed by Professor Brigid Laffan, aims to develop inter-disciplinary and comparative research on the major issues facing the process of European integration, European societies and Europe's place in 21 st century global politics. The Centre is home to a large post-doctoral programme and hosts major research programmes, projects and data sets, in addition to a range of working groups and ad hoc initiatives. The research agenda is organised around a set of core themes and is continuously evolving, reflecting the changing agenda of European integration, the expanding membership of the European Union, developments in Europe's neighbourhood and the wider world.

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“…Yet, this expectation has not come to pass (Malamud 2011;Schirm 2010). Neither has Brazil shown the ambition or capacity to impose itself, nor have its neighbors felt the need to balance its power (Gardini and Almeida 2016;Schenoni 2015). Still, regional exchanges have increased substantially over the last three decades.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Managing Security in a Zone of Peace: Brazil´s Soft Approach to Regional Governance

Malamud

Alcañiz

2017

Rev. bras. polít. int.

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Given Brazil's regional prevalence, its low, late and soft investment in regional security governance appears puzzling. We approach the puzzle through an analysis of contextual features, institutional overlap and policy networks, especially regarding nuclear energy and the environment. Our findings show that Brazil's behavior is explained by a combination of low regional risks, scarce domestic resources, a legalistic regional culture of dispute settlement, and transgovernmental networks that substitute for formal interstate cooperation and deep regional institutions.Keywords: Brazilian foreign policy; Latin American regionalism; Regional Security Governance; Regional Powers; Policy Networks. Introduction B razil is the largest Latin American country and represents half of South America, whether regarding area, population, the economy or overall national capabilities. Its rise has led many to expect it to become a regional leader, as both its defensive and offensive foreign interests spill over onto its neighbors (Arnson and Sotero 2009;Bethell 2010;Stuenkel 2013a;Trinkunas 2014). Yet, this expectation has not come to pass (Malamud 2011;Schirm 2010). Neither has Brazil shown the ambition or capacity to impose itself, nor have its neighbors felt the need to balance its power (Gardini and Almeida 2016;Schenoni 2015). Still, regional exchanges have increased substantially over the last three decades. In this article, we focus on the most crucial dimension of these interactions, namely security, in order to understand Brazil's role in building regional governance.Brazil's home region has two central peculiarities: first, its boundaries are fuzzy, second, its inner core has been characterized Copyright:• This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of a Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided that the original author and source are credited.• Este é um artigo publicado em acesso aberto e distribuído sob os termos da by a long period of interstate peace. The region's boundaries are fuzzy because Brazil has moved them over time: from encompassing all of the Western Hemisphere, to just Latin America, and finally at present to simply comprise of the South American subcontinent (Malamud and Gardini 2012; Spektor 2010). More significantly, its inner core -namely South America -has been peaceful, given the absence of interstate war between major powers since 1883, and altogether since 1942 (Kacowicz 2005; Mares 2001). The enduring peace of the region has led to high politics being conducted through diplomatic rather than military means; its fuzziness means that region-building remains an instrument at the service of national strategies rather than a regional goal per se, as no intrinsic region exists.Given the historically low level of intra-regional exchanges, regional public goods have usually been negatively defined, mostly as the avoidance of harmful externalities. No country in the region has been capable of either...

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The Brazilian Rise and the Elusive South American Balance

Cited by 11 publications

References 37 publications

La cooperación sur-sur de Brasil y Colombia: entre la política exterior y el desarrollo

La cooperación sur-sur de Brasil y Colombia: entre la política exterior y el desarrollo

Latin American Declaratory Regionalism: An Analysis of Presidential Discourse (1994-2014)

Managing Security in a Zone of Peace: Brazil´s Soft Approach to Regional Governance

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