Ternary Constituents Are a Consequence of Mora Sluicing

Hermans, Ben; Torres-Tamarit, Francesc

doi:10.3765/amp.v1i1.26

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…With regards to metrical systems, constraints have been invoked with the specific aim to avoid postulating ternary feet (e.g. Elenbaas & Kager 1999, Hermans & Torres-Tamarit 2013, Torres-Matarit & Jurgec 2015. The appeal of binarity is also evident from the proposal within government phonology that all syllables are CV, i.e., with binary branching between onset and nucleus (Lowenstamm 1996).…”

Section: Data and Theory In Relation To Three-level Vowel Lengthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

2019

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Ternary or three-level vowel length is typologically rare, and supporting evidence is limited. This paper presents the results of an investigation into the hypothesised case of this configuration in Shilluk. We first describe the role of vowel length in Shilluk phonology and morphology, and then report on an acoustic study in which minimal sets for vowel length (short, long, overlong) are measured for vowel duration, coda duration, vowel quality and fundamental frequency. Short, long and overlong vowels differ significantly and substantially in terms of vowel duration: 96% of the items can be classified successfully for vowel length on the basis of this measurement alone. Of the other measurements, only vowel quality is significant, and this effect is considerably smaller. The mean values for vowel duration – 68, 111 and 150 ms for short, long and overlong vowels respectively – are similar to those reported for ternary vowel length in Dinka.

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Section: Data and Theory In Relation To Three-level Vowel Lengthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

2019

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“…Liberman & Prince 1977Hyde 2012) even at the level of the syllable (see Hermans & Torres-Tamarit 2014 for an application of this hypothesis to ternary rhythm). We therefore suggest eliminating the syllable as a prosodic category that mediates between moras and the metrical dimension.…”

Section: Representational Assumptionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Branchingness constraints on heads and dependents in Munster Irish stress

Torres-Tamarit

Hermans

2017

Volume 2

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This paper readdresses the bounds between rhythm and constituency. It argues in favor of an arboreal representation of the metrical grid in which both metrical prominence, that is, grid marks, and prosodic categories are conflated into the same dimension even at the level of the syllable. These constituentized metrical grids are subject to branchingness constraints on heads and dependents. The research focus is on Munster Irish stress, which illustrates an intricate system of stress assignment. Stress in Munster Irish is assigned to the first syllable in strings containing light (L) syllables, ˈLLLL. Sequences of a H syllable followed by a L syllable always attract primary stress to the H syllable regardless of the position of the sequence within the phonological string, ˌLLLˈHL (cf. ˈLLLˌHH). These facts suggest that uneven trochees (ˈHL) always attract primary stress and therefore might exist as a legitimate metrical grouping. Initial primary stress is also avoided if the third syllable counting from the left edge of the word is H. Thus, a word like /LLH/ is parsed with optional initial secondary stress and primary stress on the H syllable, ˌLLˈH (cf. ˈLLLˌH). The contrast between ˌLLˈH and ˈLLLˌH suggests that some kind of trimoraic constituent determining the location of word stress is necessary.Keywords: Munster Irish; stress; syllable; metrical grid; branchingness constraints DataIn this paper we focus on stress assignment in the Munster variety of Irish (MI) spoken in the Dingle Peninsula.1 Most recent data sources are Doherty (1991), Green (1996), Rowicka (1996), Gussmann (1997), Ó Sé (2000, 2008 and Iosad (2013) (see all these references for older sources).2 The data we present come from Iosad (2013), unless otherwise specified.In MI long vowels and diphthongs, but not syllables closed by a consonant, count as heavy (H).3 Morphological structure does not affect the position of stress. Stress is initial in words that contain no H syllable in the first three syllables of the word (1a-c), and no initial light (L) syllable can be stressed if immediately followed by a H syllable (1e-g), meaning that H syllables attract stress. Sequences of a H and a L syllable attract stress to the H syllable (2). In a sequence of two H syllables word-initially, the second H syllable receives main stress (3). If a H syllable is preceded by a word-initial sequence of two L syllables, primary stress falls on the H syllable (4).

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“…First of all, we must establish what the formal status of a three-syllable window is. We assume that main stress is represented by a foot dominated by a main stress constituent (Hermans andTorres-Tamarit 2014, cf. Martínez-Paricio andKager 2015).…”

Section: Weight Sensitivity In Pirahãmentioning

confidence: 99%

Onset Weight with Branchingness Constraints: The Case of Pirahã

Hermans

Torres-Tamarit

2016

AMP

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In this paper we develop an analysis of onset-driven stress in Pirahã based on the idea that onsets can be parsed under the vocalic mora (Hyman type) or adjoin to the syllable node (Hayes type) depending on their sonority. We propose a set of constraints standing in stringency relations that prohibit branching structures in metrical dependent positions to account for the fact that syllables with voiceless onsets in Pirahã are the best stress attractors.

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Ternary Constituents Are a Consequence of Mora Sluicing

Cited by 3 publications

References 9 publications

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

Ternary vowel length in Shilluk

Branchingness constraints on heads and dependents in Munster Irish stress

Onset Weight with Branchingness Constraints: The Case of Pirahã

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