Branchingness constraints on heads and dependents in Munster Irish stress

Torres-Tamarit, Francesc; Hermans, Ben

doi:10.5334/gjgl.464

Cited by 3 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 9 publications

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“…Torres-Tamarit & Hermans (forthcoming) propose a solution for Munster Irish, claiming that it supports a model in which the constituents of the prosodic hierarchy and the grid entries of the metrical plane are conflated on a single dimension. This idea of conflation is extended to the level of the syllable, thus eliminating the syllable as a prosodic constituent that mediates between moras and the metrical plane.…”

Section: Extended Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Brett Hyde (2016). Layering and directionality: metrical stress in Optimality Theory. (Advances in Optimality Theory.) Sheffield & Bristol, Conn.: Equinox Publishing. Pp. xi+321.

Torres-Tamarit¹

2016

Phonology

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In Layering and directionality, Brett Hyde presents a fully articulated theory of metrical stress in Optimality Theory (OT) that rests on three subcomponents: RELATION-SPECIFIC ALIGNMENT, a theory of constraints on parsing directionality, WEAK BRACKETING, a theory of prosodic layering, and OPTIMAL MAPPING, a theory of the relationship between the categories of the prosodic hierarchy and the metrical grid.* From now on, I will refer to Hyde's theory as a whole as Weak Bracketing. The main goal of the book is to compare the predictions which Weak Bracketing makes about the typology of quantity-insensitive binary stress systems with the typological predictions derived from previous OT accounts of metrical stress which utilise '

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Section: Extended Discussionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Brett Hyde (2016). Layering and directionality: metrical stress in Optimality Theory. (Advances in Optimality Theory.) Sheffield & Bristol, Conn.: Equinox Publishing. Pp. xi+321.

Torres-Tamarit¹

2016

Phonology

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“…A set of "branchingness constraints" are formalised inTorres-Tamarit & Hermans (2017) to assess this branching-headedness relation.…”

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confidence: 99%

Optimising Classical Arabic metra

Al-Mohanna

2023

Onom

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This paper aims to identify the markedness constraints and constraint rankings responsible for limiting the Classical Arabic metra to a unique group of eight. To that end, the proposed account assumes the same basic principles and devices cross-linguistically utilised for the analysis of word-stress in natural languages. Mainly, constraints interpreting boundedness, headedness, quantity-sensitivity, exhaustivity, and extrametricality are formalised and ranked to assess constituency and metrical parsing. In particular, requirements on binarity applying on different levels of the metrical structure will demarcate the maximality and minimality boundaries for constituent moraicity and eventually define the domain for the metron. Other requirements on constituent headedness will distinguish the first seven of the eight metra as most harmonious. Like Sanskrit or Ancient Greek, Classical Arabic metre is basically considered to be quantitative, where weight mostly regulates the mapping to strong positions. Crucially, such mapping is established through a set of constraints unravelling the intrinsic prominence associated with the form of the uneven iamb, which features in the first seven metra, ruling out any implausible candidates that are possibly configured within that binarity domain. On another dimension, head verse foot non-finality, or more generally non-peripherality, coupled with final light syllable extrametricality create the environment for optimising the eighth metron, the final syllable of which is light.

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Representation-based models in the current landscape of phonological theory

Bérces

Honeybone

2020

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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We place the healthy diversity of current (i.e., early 21st-century) phonological theory under scrutiny, and identify the four fundamental approaches that make it up: Rule-Based Phonology, Representation-Based Phonology, Constraint-Based Phonology, and Usage-Based Phonology. We then focus on the key aspects of and recent developments in Representation-Based Phonology: we separate out hybrid models and purely representational ones, we identify Government Phonology (GP) as the most popular form of the latter (and show that it is even present in what we call ‘GP-friendly’ analyses), and finally, we discuss and illustrate recent innovations in both subsegmental and prosodic structure in the two strands that we identify as ‘hyperhierarchical’ (or ‘vertical’) and ‘flat’ (or ‘horizontal’).

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Branchingness constraints on heads and dependents in Munster Irish stress

Cited by 3 publications

References 9 publications

Brett Hyde (2016). Layering and directionality: metrical stress in Optimality Theory. (Advances in Optimality Theory.) Sheffield & Bristol, Conn.: Equinox Publishing. Pp. xi+321.

Brett Hyde (2016). Layering and directionality: metrical stress in Optimality Theory. (Advances in Optimality Theory.) Sheffield & Bristol, Conn.: Equinox Publishing. Pp. xi+321.

Optimising Classical Arabic metra

Representation-based models in the current landscape of phonological theory

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