Social Movement Theory, Women and the Question of Interests

Abstract

British research on social movements, with a few exceptions, has been criticised for making little reference to social movement theory, such that the term, social movement is often used as an unproblematic descriptor. This failure leaves intact assumptions about the relationship between the aims, organisation and activity of social movements and the `interests' that underlie them. This paper attempts to integrate theoretical and substantive analyses of social movements in the context of the `two women's movements' in the United States and Britain which have had the family as a key focus for mobilisation: one conventionally associated with feminism, the other a mass movement of women mobilised to challenge feminism's claim to speak on their behalf. The analysis reveals the limitations of both mainstream and radical/Marxist explanations of social movements on account of their shared reductionist orientation. It suggests that a more fruitful account is provided by resource mobilisation and post-Marxist theorists who, despite drawing on different traditions and questions, recognise the autonomy of politicised culture. The article concludes by questioning whether any foundationalist notion of `interests' and the associated concept of `identity' can provide the basis for grounding political behaviour.

A Feminist Trade Union Agenda? The Continued Significance of Class, Gender and Race

“…However, one of the arguments developed here is that the restricted trade union agenda structures the identification and articulation of interests among women members and officers Ð having more women in union posts does not guarantee a feminization of the union agenda, although it is likely to aid that development. Second, Somerville (1997) argues that the identification of interests comes from the process of political engagement. It may be difficult for union officers to appreciate the way in which class, gender and race issues are manifested in particular workplaces.…”

Beyond burned bras and purple dungarees: Feminist orientations within working women’s networks

“…Similar to the case of members of the Women’s National Anti-Suffrage League, launched in 1908 in Britain, women who joined such groups should not be seen merely as pawns of male stratagems for they drew their enthusiasm from deeply rooted convictions about the nature of womanhood (Bush, 2007). This is also shown by Somerville’s (1997: 681) study of what she calls the ‘other women’s movement’ (because the labels ‘women’s movement’ and ‘feminist movement’ are so often used synonymously in the UK). Women’s groups in the ‘other women’s movement’ aimed to defend Christian standards of social and personal behaviour, and presented equal rights as abrogating the state laws that required men to support their wives and families financially.…”

“…Women’s groups in the ‘other women’s movement’ aimed to defend Christian standards of social and personal behaviour, and presented equal rights as abrogating the state laws that required men to support their wives and families financially. Women associated with ‘the other women’s movement’ perceived the feminist movement as a threat to their way of life and an assault on the family (Somerville, 1997).…”

Social Movements, Collective Action and Activism

“…Challenges to the ways in which women have been marginalized are documented in this special e-edition through articles by Bouchier (1979) and Somerville (1997). In his article, Bouchier suggests that the radical feminist movement emerged in the late 1960s United States, as a response to liberal feminist organizations blocking out radical ideas.…”