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The relevance of the topic of the study is caused by the traditional perception of animosity between the citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab states due to historical and religious factors, as well as the statements of the political elites. The purpose of this study is to reveal the real mutual perception of Iranians and Arabs. In the context of the epidemiological situation in the world and the limitations of fi research, the sociological surveys and forums posted on the Internet on this topic are of top interest. The authors rely on a comparative approach in their study. On the basis of this research, aspects of contradictions and solidarity of the parties on a number of issues have been established. In addition, it has been confi that there is little or no antipathy towards one another among ordinary citizens of the Arab and Persian worlds, although the Arab side has a slightly more negative attitude.
The relevance of the topic of the study is caused by the traditional perception of animosity between the citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab states due to historical and religious factors, as well as the statements of the political elites. The purpose of this study is to reveal the real mutual perception of Iranians and Arabs. In the context of the epidemiological situation in the world and the limitations of fi research, the sociological surveys and forums posted on the Internet on this topic are of top interest. The authors rely on a comparative approach in their study. On the basis of this research, aspects of contradictions and solidarity of the parties on a number of issues have been established. In addition, it has been confi that there is little or no antipathy towards one another among ordinary citizens of the Arab and Persian worlds, although the Arab side has a slightly more negative attitude.
The relevance of this research is due to the unabated interest of the international community in the struggle for regional leadership between Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which has unfolded in the Middle East for a number of years. The growing concerns of the KSA and its geopolitical allies, the United States and the small Arabian monarchies, related to the increasing influence of Iran on the military-political situation in Syria and Iraq, have raised in international discourse the question of the reality or impossibility of creating the so-called “Shiʻa crescent” under the auspices of Tehran. The idea is to unite the states of the Middle East, in which Shiʻa Muslims constitute the vast majority or a significant minority of the population, which would ensure Iran’s decisive victory in the race for dominance in the region. However, until now, the question of a quantitative assessment of the real resources of the states included in the “Shiʻa crescent” has so far remained out of researchers’ sight. In this regard, the aim of this article is to prove the absence of economic and military-political prerequisites for the formation of the “Shiʻa crescent” by using the method of quantitative indicators from databases, rankings and indices and a network analysis of conventional arms supplies within the “Sunni” and “Shiʻa” blocs. The databases of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Doing Business, Human Capital, Global Firepower, Global Terrorism, and Global Peace rankings, as well as World Bank statistical reports served as an empirical basis for the research. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was constructive realism, which takes into account both quantitative indicators and the ideological and value attitudes of the state in the analysis of international relations. The study showed that the “Shiʻa crescent” is a purely propaganda construct, and cannot become a real interstate association.
The question of the transformation of the colonial strategies of France and Spain in relation to Morocco with the beginning of the war in the Rif Republic is considered. A comparative analysis of the colonial policy of the two European metropolises before the start of the revolt of the Rif tribes and during the Rif War is carried out. It is argued that this war, in its duration, scale and international resonance, called into question the entire colonial system and created a dangerous precedent. Disagreements within the power elites of the metropolises between supporters of flexible diplomatic methods of colonization and advocates of a direct military solution are analyzed. The novelty of this study is seen in the fact that the victory of the military lobby in France and Spain meant the radicalization of the methods of “conciliation” applied to the local population. The use of modern weapons and aircraft, which meant the mass extermination of the local population, anticipated the methods of the Second World War. The author comes to the conclusion that the war in the Rif had the most profound impact on the political development of Spain, largely predetermining the establishment of a military-nationalist dictatorship ten years later.
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