Abstract. The article examines the new realities of Russia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring" and the potential for increased Russian influence in the Maghreb. One of the consequences of the recent political upheavals in North Africa is the growth of terrorist threat -this factor draws particular attention to this region. The Maghreb is important for the promotion of Russian interests in the Arab world and the African continent. Russia and North Africa are seeking strategic cooperation, and these countries have long-term friendship and mutual interests in the political and economic spheres. Further increase of the interaction will strengthen bilateral relations, will make it easier to survive during the political and economic crisis. The article analyzes the formation, the current state and prospects of Russian-Algerian, Moroccan-Russian and Russian-Tunisian relations. Algeria is one of the leading economic partners of Russia on the African continent. The main areas of bilateral cooperation are the energy and military spheres. The growth of the terrorist threat in the Sahara-Sahel region prompted Russia and Morocco to deepen security cooperation. In the context of EU economic sanctions against Russia a priority in RussianTunisian and Russian-Moroccan trade relations is to enhance cooperation in the field of agriculture. Russia is a traditional exporter of Moroccan oranges and Tunisian olive oil. Promising areas of cooperation of Russia and Tunisia are the development of water resources and hydraulic engineering, infrastructure projects in the field of construction of roads, bridges, industrial facilities. Expansion of ties with the North African countries will allow Russia to increase influence in the region.
The article studies the establishment of Russian diplomatic missions in the Maghreb (Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia) in late 18th -19th century. Studying the outset of the Russian-Arab
The poorly studied initial period of the anti-colonial struggle of the Algerian people against the French occupation is considered. Until 1830, the Algerian Regency was a semi-autonomous province of the Ottoman Empire. It is proved that in the first years after the capture of France, spiritual ties with the former metropolis remained strong and determined the strategies of resistance of the former Turkish ruling elite in the country. The author notes that the last bey of Constantine’s Beylik, Ahmed, loyal to the ideas of Ottomanism, for seven years effectively resisted the attempts of the French to establish themselves in this Algerian province. The article shows that although the attributes of Constantine's independence in those years indicated its Arab character, Ahmed Bey retained the Turkish concept of the state. It is concluded that the legal power, as before, relied on the sanction of the Turkish Sultan, the spiritual and political leader of the Ottoman Empire. The author concludes that Ahmed Bey was defeated without the support of his suzerain. It is proved that he did not manage to enlist the help of Great Britain, which, although opposed to French expansionism, did not consider Algeria so important to enter into a conflict with France because of it.
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