The article analyzes the influence of the Shi‘a factor on public and political life of Nigeria, the state in which the phenomenon of transformation of the religious (and more specifically, Islamic) field has been observed in the past few decades due to the growing diversity of movements and sects. In turn, the emergence of new communities contributes to the radicalization of the Islamist discourse in Nigeria and the exacerbation of intercommunal contradictions (between Sufis and Salafis, Salafis and Shiʻites). The authors identify the prerequisites and reasons for the growth in the number of followers of Shi‘a Islam in Nigeria, mainly among the Hausa people, features of political movements with Shi‘a ideology, as well as the role of Nigeria in the global Saudi-Iranian confrontation. The authors resorted to a behavioral approach and comparative analysis of the social base of the Shi‘a organization Islamic Movement of Nigeria and the Salafi Jamaʻat Izala al-Bidʻa wa Ikamat al-Sunna (Society for the Eradication of Innovation and Implementation of the Sunna). It was revealed that the key reason for the radicalization of Nigerian Muslims (living mainly in the north) was the penetration of alien ideologies into the country - radical Salafism and the political aspects of Shi‘a Islam. This was a consequence of Nigeria falling into the focus of Riyadh and Tehran, which arefighting for leadership in the Islamic world. It was established that in the case of Nigeria, Iran is inferior to Saudi Arabia, which has more significant financial capabilities and a network of non-governmental associations and foundations that promote the interests of official Riyadh in West Africa. One of the key areas where the Saudi-Iranian confrontation for the “minds and hearts” of Nigerian Muslims is unfolding is Islamic education.
The relevance of the topic of the study is caused by the traditional perception of animosity between the citizens of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Arab states due to historical and religious factors, as well as the statements of the political elites. The purpose of this study is to reveal the real mutual perception of Iranians and Arabs. In the context of the epidemiological situation in the world and the limitations of fi research, the sociological surveys and forums posted on the Internet on this topic are of top interest. The authors rely on a comparative approach in their study. On the basis of this research, aspects of contradictions and solidarity of the parties on a number of issues have been established. In addition, it has been confi that there is little or no antipathy towards one another among ordinary citizens of the Arab and Persian worlds, although the Arab side has a slightly more negative attitude.
The relevance of this research is due to the unabated interest of the international community in the struggle for regional leadership between Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), which has unfolded in the Middle East for a number of years. The growing concerns of the KSA and its geopolitical allies, the United States and the small Arabian monarchies, related to the increasing influence of Iran on the military-political situation in Syria and Iraq, have raised in international discourse the question of the reality or impossibility of creating the so-called “Shiʻa crescent” under the auspices of Tehran. The idea is to unite the states of the Middle East, in which Shiʻa Muslims constitute the vast majority or a significant minority of the population, which would ensure Iran’s decisive victory in the race for dominance in the region. However, until now, the question of a quantitative assessment of the real resources of the states included in the “Shiʻa crescent” has so far remained out of researchers’ sight. In this regard, the aim of this article is to prove the absence of economic and military-political prerequisites for the formation of the “Shiʻa crescent” by using the method of quantitative indicators from databases, rankings and indices and a network analysis of conventional arms supplies within the “Sunni” and “Shiʻa” blocs. The databases of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the World Trade Organization (WTO), the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the United Nations Register of Conventional Arms, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Doing Business, Human Capital, Global Firepower, Global Terrorism, and Global Peace rankings, as well as World Bank statistical reports served as an empirical basis for the research. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was constructive realism, which takes into account both quantitative indicators and the ideological and value attitudes of the state in the analysis of international relations. The study showed that the “Shiʻa crescent” is a purely propaganda construct, and cannot become a real interstate association.
Российский университет дружбы народов, Москва, Россия Статья посвящена рассмотрению дихотомии «обездоленные (араб. مستضعفون мустадʻафун, перс. مستضعفين мостазефин) -высокомерные» (араб. مستكبرون мустакбирун, перс. مستكبرين мостак-берин), которая была разработана в рамках шиитского ислама и стала важным элементом теории и практики международных отношений таких государств, как Иран и Ливан.Автор выявляет особенности восприятия международных отношений мусульманскими государствами, а также объясняет отличия в формировании взглядов на миропорядок на Западе и в мире ислама.Наиболее важные аспекты дихотомии «обездоленные -высокомерные», лежащей в основе шиитского восприятия международных отношений и оказавшей влияние на внешнюю политику Ирана и Ливана, были разработаны такими шиитскими религиозными мыслителями, как Мухаммад Бакир ас-Садр, Муса ас-Садр, Рухолла Мусави Хомейни, а также Мухаммад Хусейн Фадлалла. Их представления о миропорядке базируются на интерпретации наиболее важных источников ис-лама -Корана и хадисов.Идеи шиитских религиозных авторитетов получили широкое распространение и популярность в различных странах мира ислама в 1970-е гг. Это обусловлено тем, что данные идеи стали реакцией на недовольство широких масс в странах Ближнего и Среднего Востока вмешательством в их внут-ренние дела западных стран, монополизацией западными компаниями природных богатств госу-дарств региона, а также бездействием местных властей, допустивших неоколониализм. Более того, к тому времени в странах региона уже наступило глубокое разочарование как в социализме, так и в капитализме, которым не удалось разрешить проблемы, тормозящие развитие мусульманских государств.Шииты как часть мира ислама, которая на протяжении своей длительной истории практически всегда подвергалась дискриминации и гонениям со стороны суннитского большинства, высказались о том, что угнетенным и обездоленным мусульманским народам незачем заимствовать у Запада какую-либо государственную идеологию, поскольку ответом на все вопросы и главным оружием в борьбе с «высокомерными» может стать только ислам.Ключевые слова: умма, шиизм, исламские теории международных отношений, принцип справедливости (аль-ʻадль), дихотомия «обездоленные -высокомерные», Иран, Фонд обездоленных, басидж, Ливан, «Харакат аль-махрумин», «Хизбалла» Существующие концепции мировосприятия, разработанные в рамках различ-ных наук (истории, социологии, антропологии и т.д.) часто включают в себя оп-ределенную дихотомию. Так, в исторической науке, а позже в международных от-ношениях широкое распространение получило противопоставление «Восток -Запад» как дихотомия, обосновывающая разделение человечества на западные об-щества / цивилизации и восточные общества / цивилизации. При этом в разные исторические периоды содержание понятий «Восток» и «Запад» менялось, как ме-нялась и граница между этими двумя мирами.
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