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The Justice and Development Party governments in Turkey have placed public diplomacy into the service of foreign policy as a multi-dimensional tool-kit to be utilized in extending the overseas communication beyond governments towards their publics. And this may be the first time in the Republican history that by the Justice and Development Party era, people abroad have found Turkey's mission bodies more accessible and reachable in terms of both institutional presence and of institutional willingness to involve in their affairs/problems. The Justice and Development Party governments have accordingly adopted a comprehensive 'state-to-society' public diplomacy agenda, targeting for instance the so-called 'kin communities' , by which shared civilizational memories, values and histories are often recalled and promoted in building relations. The target communities have thus been encouraged to embrace such identity frames and hence to renegotiate and when possible redefine their sense of belonging in a civilizational sense. This is a development which brings the constitutive appeal of the country's new foreign policy into a brighter light. Based on this, this paper initially questions the constitutive influences Turkey has possibly posed to the targeted communities abroad. Moreover, in the implementation of such state-to-society public diplomacy, certain political figures in Turkey have functioned as intermediaries between the public diplomacy bureaucracy and the communities abroad, as facilitators of Turkey's access to the targeted communities, and vice versa. These political elites have mostly been the members of the ruling party in the Parliament, acted as the chairman of inter-parliamentary friendship groups, accompanied prime ministers and presidents in their visits to target communities, and used their personal ties and networks to bring the targeted communities closer to Turkey, and vice versa. They therefore have direct involvement in the conduct of overseas stateto-society policy and have personally contributed to the country's public diplomacy campaigns. This paper, at this juncture, secondly aims to unfold this intermediary role of the political elites, which would help garner a better understanding of the sources and causes of Turkey's societal influences abroad. The paper uses Turkey's relations with the Bosniak and Albanian communities in the Balkans as case studies to trace the state-to-society diplomacy and the intermediaries' roles within it. To better observe both the influence and the intermediaries' facilitative role, interviews are conducted with some of the political intermediaries who took part in Turkey's reach to the kin communities in the Balkans.
The Justice and Development Party governments in Turkey have placed public diplomacy into the service of foreign policy as a multi-dimensional tool-kit to be utilized in extending the overseas communication beyond governments towards their publics. And this may be the first time in the Republican history that by the Justice and Development Party era, people abroad have found Turkey's mission bodies more accessible and reachable in terms of both institutional presence and of institutional willingness to involve in their affairs/problems. The Justice and Development Party governments have accordingly adopted a comprehensive 'state-to-society' public diplomacy agenda, targeting for instance the so-called 'kin communities' , by which shared civilizational memories, values and histories are often recalled and promoted in building relations. The target communities have thus been encouraged to embrace such identity frames and hence to renegotiate and when possible redefine their sense of belonging in a civilizational sense. This is a development which brings the constitutive appeal of the country's new foreign policy into a brighter light. Based on this, this paper initially questions the constitutive influences Turkey has possibly posed to the targeted communities abroad. Moreover, in the implementation of such state-to-society public diplomacy, certain political figures in Turkey have functioned as intermediaries between the public diplomacy bureaucracy and the communities abroad, as facilitators of Turkey's access to the targeted communities, and vice versa. These political elites have mostly been the members of the ruling party in the Parliament, acted as the chairman of inter-parliamentary friendship groups, accompanied prime ministers and presidents in their visits to target communities, and used their personal ties and networks to bring the targeted communities closer to Turkey, and vice versa. They therefore have direct involvement in the conduct of overseas stateto-society policy and have personally contributed to the country's public diplomacy campaigns. This paper, at this juncture, secondly aims to unfold this intermediary role of the political elites, which would help garner a better understanding of the sources and causes of Turkey's societal influences abroad. The paper uses Turkey's relations with the Bosniak and Albanian communities in the Balkans as case studies to trace the state-to-society diplomacy and the intermediaries' roles within it. To better observe both the influence and the intermediaries' facilitative role, interviews are conducted with some of the political intermediaries who took part in Turkey's reach to the kin communities in the Balkans.
Albanians are among the oldest and most autochthonous people in Balkan. Known as the "Illyrians", "Albans", "Arberesh" and "Albanian", the Albanian people are among the founders of the Balkan Peninsula and among the most authentic contributors to the culture and civilization of the European continent. Historians and great scholars of the world and Albanian schoolars such as Thuman, Hahn, Shuflai, Stipcevic, Hosch, Çabej, Buda, Zheliskova have confirmed with their historical and linguistic studies the autochtonity, authenticity and contribution of Albanians in this region of more than three thousand five hundred years. This study investigates the early period of the Albanian National Renaissance and its repercussions on the establishment of the Albanian Nation State. Felt alone and without any support from international protection of any Greater Power and especially from the Othoman Empire, Albanian National Identity started to be seen as one of the main idea, which remained to be proclaimed by Albanian Renaissancers. So the Albanian National Renaissance movement began later than all the other Balkan peoples and not well-prepared in its political projects. In the cultural, civilizational and spiritual plan, the Albanian National Renaissance was as broad and western as many other peoples of the region. This paper will study the efforts, challenges and in general the elements in the context of creation of the Albanian nation, by bringing the main elements, which characterised this period of time.
II. Meşrutiyet’in 23-24 Temmuz 1908 tarihinde ilan edilmesinin ardından örgütlenme ve cemiyetleşme gibi konularda kayda değer değişimler yaşanmıştı. İstanbul, Selanik, Manastır, Görice, Elbasan, İşkodra gibi yerlerde açılan Arnavut kulüplerinin bünyelerinde Arnavutça gazete ve mecmuaların yer alması ise Arnavut dilinin gelişimi adına önemli bir adım olmuştu. Bununla beraber Arnavut dili ile ilgili bir ikilem ortaya çıkmıştı. Bu ikilem Arnavut dilinin Latin harfleri ile mi yoksa Arap harfleri ile mi yazılacağı konusunu gündeme getirmişti. Bu süreçte, konu üzerinde İstanbul’daki Arnavut entelektüelleri arasında çeşitli tartışmalar yaşanmıştı. Arnavutlar tarafından yayınlanan gazeteler harfler meselesinde bir tartışma sahası olarak görülmüştü. Bu gazeteler Arnavut dilinin gelişme aşamalarından önemli bir süreci temsil etmektedir. Gazetelerin bir kısmı Osmanlı Türkçesi olarak bir kısmı ise Latin harfli ya da Arap harfli Arnavut dili esas alınarak kaleme alınmıştı. Bu gazetelerin en önemlilerinden birisi ise İstanbul Beyoğlu’nda “Arnavud/Shqipetari” ismiyle Derviş Hima (İbrahim Mehmet Naci) tarafından çıkarılmıştı. Yayın hayatına 13 Ocak 1910 tarihinde başlayan gazetenin 74. ve son sayısı 25 Ekim 1912 tarihinde yayınlanmıştı. Haftalık olarak neşredilen gazete üç yıla yakın bir süre yayınlanmış ve Arnavutlar hakkında önemli konuları gündeme getirmişti. Ele alınan çalışmada, II. meşrutiyet dönemi İstanbul basınından Arnavud/Shqipetari gazetesi incelenerek Arnavut dili, kültürü ve tarihi ile ilgili bazı önemli yazılar aktarılmıştır.
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