Review of Race Scholarship and the War on Terror

Cainkar, Louise; Selod, Saher

doi:10.1177/2332649218762808

Cited by 63 publications

(57 citation statements)

References 55 publications

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“…The 'war on terror' and terrorism are co-constitutive (Mamdani, 2004), since this racial project is grounded in the policies of empire (Ho, 2004). The victims and subjects of the policies of 'war on terror' are positioned and identified in multiple intersecting ways, including by geography, skin color, clothing, gender, religion, and beliefs (Cainkar & Selod, 2018). Thus, individuals and families with Muslim background have been subjected to structural racism and discrimination in their daily lives in Western countries.…”

Section: Historical Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social work and countering violent extremism in Sweden and the UK

Finch

Jönsson

Kamali³

et al. 2019

European Journal of Social Work

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Social Work in Europe, is now being tasked with managing the "problems" of terrorism, i.e supporting those affected by terrorist attacks, managing returnees affiliated with Terrorist groups in the Middle East, or, as will be discussed here, identifying those at risk from radicalisation and extremism. Both Britain and Sweden have Counter-Terrorism policies, but recent developments in both countries, have made it a statutory requirement for social workers, to work within such policies. This paper seeks to explore the policies in both countries utilising a comparative approach, to consider the similarities in not only policy and practice, but also in the ethical consequences such policies pose for social workers across Europe. The exploration considers; the extent to which anti-radicalisation policies influence social work practices in Sweden and the UK and how they might undermine social work as a human rights profession. The results indicate that anti-radicalisation policies run the risk of reducing social work to become a 'policing profession' practicing social control. This has substantial consequences for social work and its global ethics, which should be considered and struggled against by social workers committed to principles of social justice and human rights.

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Section: Historical Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social work and countering violent extremism in Sweden and the UK

Finch

Jönsson

Kamali³

et al. 2019

European Journal of Social Work

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“…The targets of anti-Muslim violence in the post-9/11 US have been a poorly defined group (Cainkar and Selod 2018;Love 2017). Our research shows that this group is composed of people from at least four religious faiths and is shaped by the way identity is performed and perceived.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 76%

“…This is notably different from the experience of black Muslims in Western Europe, where Islam is associated with immigration from, among other places, northern Africa (Mythen et al 2008). As such, we join with recent scholars who have called for clarification of the intersectional processes that "mark" a person Muslim in the public eye (Cainkar and Selod 2018).…”

Section: Muslim Hate In the Age Of Trumpmentioning

confidence: 90%

Muslim Victimization in the Contemporary US: Clarifying the Racialization Thesis

Kaufman

Niner

2019

Crit Crim

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This article draws on in-depth, qualitative interviews with Muslim and non-Muslim Americans in 2016 to specify how Muslim "racialization" is shaped by the racial politics of the United States (US). Anti-Muslim bias is not experienced by religious Muslims as a whole, but by people whose bodies are read to be affiliated with the Islamic religion-often erroneously-because of their perceived racial characteristics. Self-identified black, white, and Hispanic Muslims with no visible markers of their religion do not experience anti-Muslim harassment, while non-Muslim Christians, Hindus, and Sikhs who embody an imagined "Muslim look," cope with fear and aggression from strangers on a daily basis. These findings are notable for two reasons. First, our respondents demonstrate how racialized religion is mutable: they are active in constructing how Islam is read on their bodies in public. Second, our findings demonstrate how hate crime categorization in the US obscures the role that racism plays in religious victimization. We urge scholars who study anti-Muslim acts to include non-Muslims in their analyses, and advocate for the re-conceptualization of identity-based hate crime categories. Excavating the corporeality of criminal victimization in particular can help to understand the ways in which biases are experienced in the contemporary US.

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“…According to our respondents, the hijab is a physical marker of potential violence, while the ideological impetus is male. While state policies tend to target men (Selod 2018;Cainkar and Selod 2018), it is interesting that our respondents find men and women to be sites of potential violence. This is reminiscent of the ways in which criminality has been gendered more generally.…”

Section: Findings: the Criminalization Of Muslimsmentioning

confidence: 83%

“…5 Sociologists have explained this recent shift with theories of racialization. Using Omi and Winant's (1994) frame of extending a racial definition to a "previously racially unclassified group," scholars show that Americans who are thought to be Muslim, experience ostracization and hostility (Cainkar 2009;Cainkar and Selod 2018;Considine 2017;Elver 2012;Garner and Selod 2015;Jamal and Naber 2008;Love 2017;Meer 2013;Meer and Modood 2010;Nader 2006;Nasser 2013;Peek 2005;Rana 2011;Selod 2015Selod , 2018Selod and Embrick 2013;Zainiddinov 2016;Zopf 2017). 6 But this racialization literature does not capture the meaningmaking accomplished by those doing the racialization.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Criminalization of Muslims in the United States, 2016

Kaufman

2019

Qual Sociol

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The criminalization of Muslims-framing an Islamic religious identity as a problem to be solved using state crime control logic-is undeniably in process in the United States. Local, state, and federal statutes target Muslims for surveillance and exclusion, and media sources depict Muslims as synonymous with terrorism, as others have shown. This paper analyzes the public's role in the criminalization of Islam, which I call "cr-Islamization." Drawing on in-depth, qualitative interviews in a major Southwest city during the lead-up to the 2016 presidential election, I detail how the majority of 144 politically, racially, and economically diverse interviewees talk about Muslims as a potential "racial threat," using "fear of crime" language indicative of the mass incarceration era. This suggests that criminalization theory should be central to sociological studies of Muslims in the contemporary United States, and that criminalization rhetoric remains powerful, despite mainstream enthusiasm for criminal justice reform. I argue that criminalization's power might reside in its ability to mutate in the "post-racial" era. The mechanisms supporting crimmigration, the criminalization of black Americans, and cr-Islamization are related but not identical. Muslims are religiously and racially subjugated, but more economically secure compared to other criminalized groups. This paper's findings should prompt scholars to re-examine the relationships between racialization, criminalization, religious subjugation, and economic exploitation in the twenty-first century United States.

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Review of Race Scholarship and the War on Terror

Abstract: This paper is NOT THE PUBLISHED VERSION; but the author's final, peer-reviewed manuscript. The published version may be accessed by following the link in the citation below.

Cited by 63 publications

References 55 publications

Social work and countering violent extremism in Sweden and the UK

Social work and countering violent extremism in Sweden and the UK

Muslim Victimization in the Contemporary US: Clarifying the Racialization Thesis

The Criminalization of Muslims in the United States, 2016

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