Responsibility and the power motive in women and men

Abstract

Previous research on the correlates of power motivation in women and men had shown no gender differences, when the presence of younger siblings (reflecting responsibility training) was used as a moderator variable This study reports development of an empirically denved direct TAT measure of responsibihtv as a moderator variable for the power motive The new measure includes mention of legal or moral standards, obligation concern about others, concern about consequences, and self-judgment It is related to perceived parental expectations concerning responsibihtv Among women and men high in responsibility, power motivation predicts responsible social power actions, but among women and men low in responsibility, power motivation predicts a variety of profligate, impulsive actions Responsibility then, rather than gender, appears to determine the ways in which the power motive is expressed Themes of power and responsibility are at the heart of both the realities and the myths about gender differences and gender relationships Although there are variations over time and across societies, men generally have higher status and more power than do women, and women are often seen as more responsible than are men (see Sanday, 1981, Stewart & Winter, 1977, Whiting & Whiting, 1975 Such power as women do have, moreover, is often circumscribed and restricted on account of their special "responsibihties" (see Gorer, 1948) Perhaps because ofthese realities, the topics of power, responsibility, and gender are wrapped m a rich mvthologv One myth is that men are interested in getting power or motivated to seek power, while women are not Another myth is that men and women differ m their styles of seeking and exercising power Men,We are grateful to

Assessing Implicit Motives in U.S. College Students: Effects of Picture Type and Position, Gender and Ethnicity, and Cross-Cultural Comparisons

“…For instance, we speculate that the power motive might have links to antisocial personality disorder. Certainly the description of antisocial individuals who are, among other things, manipulative, deceitful, aggressive, and sexually promiscuous matches key behavioral attributes of power-motivated individuals (Veroff, 1957;Terhune, 1968;Winter & Barenbaum, 1985). More work would be welcomed on the unexplored relationship between the Big Three social motives and their association with the interpersonal aspects of many personality disorders.…”

Social motives and cognitive power–sex associations: Predictors of aggressive sexual behavior.

“…Another explanation relies on the finding that responsibility (as an aspect of one's personality) is an important moderator of power motivation (Winter, 1988;Winter & Barenbaum, 1985). Men and women who are high in power and responsibility tend to use their power in prosocial ways, such as becoming members of voluntary organizations or running for office.…”

The effects of power on prosocial outcomes: A self-validation analysis

“…The majority of research has focused on antisocial consequences of power, such as teasing (Keltner, Young, Heerey, Oemig, & Monarch, 1998); crime (Green, Wong, & Strolovitch, 1996); reckless drinking, gambling, and sexual activity (Winter & Barenbaum, 1985); and aggressive or hostile behavior (Bugental, Blue, & Cruzcosa, 1989;Howard, Blumstein, & Schwartz, 1986;Keltner, Capps, Kring, Young, & Heerey, 2001;Malamuth, 1996). However, experiencing power sometimes is also associated with relatively more positive and even prosocial consequences such as increased diligence (DeWall, Baumeister, Mead, & Vohs, 2011) and forgiveness of others (Karremans & Smith, 2010).…”