Reconsidering Elitist Duality: Persistent Tension in the Turkish–Egyptian Relations

Abstract

Since the Muslim Brotherhood's ouster in July 3, 2013, tension has escalated between Turkey and Egypt and gained media attention as an unprecedented incident in bilateral relations. However, disagreement has characterized bilateral relations since the declaration of the Egyptian Republic and the launch of diplomatic relations with Turkey in the 1950s. By tracking the history of both countries' bilateral relations, this study contends that, according to the elitist duality thesis, Turkish-Egyptian relations were an exception to the Turkish-Arab relations, as they were not influenced by the ruling elite. It argues that regardless of the ruling elite identity, tension has disrupted the normal course of relations. By relying on extensive interviews conducted with members of the Justice and Development Party, and academicians and staff members in the Turkish ministries of economy and foreign affairs, the study analyzes the unaddressed tension in the Turkish-Egyptian relations since the 1950s until 2013 and provides policy recommendations to improve bilateral relations.

The Pendulum of Majoritarianism: Turkey’s Governmental Self-Identity and Turkish–Egyptian Relations

“…After 1965, Turkey had begun to strive for better relations with the Arab-majority countries, including Egypt. For instance, Turkey had avoided antagonizing Egypt and other Arab countries in the 1967 Six-Day War against Israel (Magued, 2016, p. 13). Further, Turkey’s pro-Arab stance against Israel echoed positively and was appreciated by the Arab-majority countries, including Egypt (Daşdemir, 2006, p. 206; Köse, 2017, p. 84; Kösebalaban, 2014, p. 205).…”

“…Sadat’s policies and Turkey’s soft pro-Arab policy opened a path for deepening future relations between the two countries. Egypt’s primary concern in foreign affairs under Hosni Mubarak during the 1980s was to restore Egypt’s image in the Arab and Islamic world, an image devastated by the 1978 accords with Israel and the pro-Western policies of Sadat (Magued, 2016, p. 14; Özkan, 2013, p. 403). Under Mubarak, both governments established stronger ties and pursued stable relations.…”

“…272–277). Even though there were small-scale disagreements on various issues (Magued, 2016), Turkish-Egyptian political relations did not go through a notable crisis during Mubarak’s tenure until the Arab Spring (Köse, 2017, p. 107).…”

2011 Sonrasında Türkiye-Mısır İlişkilerinde Yaşanan Ani Yükseliş ve Sert Düşüşü Anlamak

“…Sert Düşüşü Anlamak 20. yüzyılın ortasından beri çoğu zaman ihtiyatlı ve yer yer sorunlu bir çizgide ilerleyen Türkiye-Mısır ilişkileri (Al Hajj, 2016, s. 48;Çağaptay & Stevens, 2015;Magued, 2016;Meral, 2014), Mısır'da 2011'de başlayan halk ayaklanmasıyla birlikte yeni ve istisnai bir evreye girdi. Öyle ki, Hüsnü Mübarek rejiminin devrilmesinin ardından Türkiye'nin Mısır politikasında köklü bir değişim gözlendi ve ilişkiler ciddi bir ivme kazandı.…”

“…Meseleyi analitik olarak ele almaya çalışan diğer çalışmalara bakıldığında, 2011 sonrası Türkiye-Mısır ilişkilerini kimi zaman bölge jeopolitiğine, kimi zaman aktörlerin kimlik ve siyasal tercihlerine, kimi zaman da iç politik unsurlara odaklanarak açıklamaya giriştikleri anlaşılmaktadır. Magued (2016Magued ( , 2018, iki ülke arasındaki daimi gerginliği, çatışan ulusal rollere vurgu yaparak tahlil etmekte, 2012 sonrası yakınlaşmayı açıklarken de Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (AKP) ile İhvan arasındaki ideolojik yakınlığa ve benzer tarihsel deneyimlere parmak basmaktadır. Pala ve Aras (2015), Türkiye'nin Mısır'a yönelik politikasının ve İhvan'la yakın ilişkisinin asıl olarak jeopolitik amaç ve çıkarlarca belirlendiğini, ama bunun iç ve uluslararası platformdaki jeopolitik gerekçelendirmesinin demokrasi, halk iradesi ve meşruiyet gibi söylemler üzerinden yapıldığını belirtmektedirler.…”