Race, color, and income inequality across the Americas

Bailey, Stanley R.; Saperstein, Aliya; Penner, Andrew M.

doi:10.4054/demres.2014.31.24

Cited by 62 publications

(54 citation statements)

References 29 publications

(36 reference statements)

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“…The current legacy of covert racism, stereotyping, and implicit prejudice has also received significant attention (e.g., Bonilla-Silva 2010; Brubaker et al 2004;Greenwald et al 1998). Yet, research has also demonstrated that race is a multidimensional construct that is not nearly as straightforward to measure as most people assume (e.g., Bailey et al 2014;Goldstein and Morning 2000;Roth 2010;Telles and Lim 1998).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Disentangling the Effects of Racial Self-identification and Classification by Others: The Case of Arrest

Penner

Saperstein

2015

Demography

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Scholars of race have stressed the importance of thinking about race as a multidimensional construct, yet research on racial inequality does not routinely take this multidimensionality into account. We draw on data from the U.S. National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health to disentangle the effects of self-identifying as black and being classified by others as black on subsequently being arrested. Results reveal that the odds of arrest are nearly three times higher for people who were classified by others as black, even if they did not identify themselves as black. By contrast, we find no effect of self-identifying as black among people who were not seen by others as black. These results suggest that racial perceptions play an important role in racial disparities in arrest rates and provide a useful analytical approach for disentangling the effects of race on other outcomes.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 96%

Disentangling the Effects of Racial Self-identification and Classification by Others: The Case of Arrest

Penner

Saperstein

2015

Demography

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“…Finally, the colorism literature often defaults solely to skin tone without comparing outcomes with a racial classification measure. While skin tone may be the main mechanism at play in certain social contexts, racial classification may be more potent in others (Bailey, Saperstein, and Penner 2014).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Including individuals who are perceived as white, Hispanic, Asian, and black within the same model to examine the associations of skin tone is also a source of some controversy. Yet, there is reliable precedence for both (Bailey et al 2014). Drawing upon data from the United States and 18 Latin American countries that include both skin tone and racial classification, Bailey et al (2014) found that skin tone better explained differences in household income than did racial classification in 11 of the 19 countries.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Yet, there is reliable precedence for both (Bailey et al 2014). Drawing upon data from the United States and 18 Latin American countries that include both skin tone and racial classification, Bailey et al (2014) found that skin tone better explained differences in household income than did racial classification in 11 of the 19 countries. Yet their analysis of the United States showed that the model fit was best when including both skin tone and racial classification.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Skin in the Game: Colorism and the Subtle Operation of Stereotypes in Men’s College Basketball

Foy

Ray

2019

American Journal of Sociology

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Colorism research often suffers from endogeneity issues related to human capital outcomes and researchers' inability to compare the effects of skin tone to those of racial classification. Furthermore, colorism research focuses on intraracial differences in skin tone inequality while insufficiently considering skin tone inequality across racial groups. Using data from video broadcasts of the National Collegiate Athletic Association's annual, single-elimination Men's Division I Basketball Tournament for the years 2000-2010, we quantitatively examine comments made by announcers about the performance, physical characteristics, and mental characteristics of players across various skin tones. Controlling for objective measures of performance, we find that announcers are more likely to discuss the performance and mental abilities of lighter-skinned players and the physical characteristics of darker-skinned players. We argue that, although the two concepts are related, skin tone is not simply a proxy for racial classification. Rather, skin tone inequality transcends traditional racial boundaries.

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“…Alternatively, they suggest that the social construct of race includes multiple dimensions that can change over time and in different situations (Bailey, Loveman, and Muniz 2013;Bailey, Saperstein, and Penner 2014;Roth 2010Roth , 2016Saperstein and Penner 2012). This perspec tive is especially relevant in Latin America and in its contexts of mestizaje (Spanish for ethnic/racial mixture).…”

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confidence: 99%

Multidimensional Ethno-racial Status in Contexts ofMestizaje: Ethno-racial Stratification in Contemporary Peru

Paredes

2018

Socius

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Creative Commons Non Commercial CC BY-NC: This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons AttributionNonCommercial 4.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/4.0/) which permits non-commercial use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access pages (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage). Original Article AbstractIn this study, I define ethno-racial status as the combination of socially ranked ethnic and racial characteristics individually embodied by mestizos (Spanish for mixed-race individuals). I argue that these characteristics represent distinct dimensions of ethno-racial status-phenotype, ancestry, and self-identification-and should be considered together when analyzing ethno-racial inequality in contexts of mestizaje. Moreover, I interpret self-identification as exposure to pervasive beliefs that give meaning to local ethno-racial identities rather than explaining it as a central indicator of race. Using nationally representative data of Peru, the mestizaje research setting, I examine whether there are significant differences in educational attainment and household possessions by phenotype, ancestry, and selfidentification. I find that indigenous ancestry and darker skin colors are inversely associated with both socioeconomic outcomes. Moreover, white self-identification compared to mestizo is negatively associated with educational attainment but positively associated with household possessions. This approach unveils ethno-racial beliefs as instrumental in gaining socioeconomic advantages.Keywords multidimensionality of race/ethnicity, race and ethnicity in Latin America, mestizaje, ethno-racial inequality, Peru 1 The etymological meaning of mestizo is available at the online ver sion of the Real Academia Española dictionary (http://www.rae.es/). Mestizo is used in Spanish as a noun for mixedrace individuals; as an adjective for characteristics attributed to racially mixed individu als, animals, and plants; and for characteristics attributed to mixed cultures. Accordingly, I will use the term mestizo to refer to individu als and cultures as a noun (in singular and plural) and as an adjective (in singular and neutral masculine, taking into account that adjec tives in English do not have gender). I translated the three epigraphs.

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Race, color, and income inequality across the Americas

Cited by 62 publications

References 29 publications

Disentangling the Effects of Racial Self-identification and Classification by Others: The Case of Arrest

Disentangling the Effects of Racial Self-identification and Classification by Others: The Case of Arrest

Skin in the Game: Colorism and the Subtle Operation of Stereotypes in Men’s College Basketball

Multidimensional Ethno-racial Status in Contexts ofMestizaje: Ethno-racial Stratification in Contemporary Peru

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