Positional Faithfulness

Beckman, Jill N.

doi:10.1002/9780470756171.ch16

Cited by 82 publications

(137 citation statements)

References 42 publications

(67 reference statements)

Supporting

Mentioning

132

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Since we are not aware of any markedness constraint that would favor voicing over voicelessness in initial position, we attribute initial voicing to faithfulness instead. Thus, we posit a high-ranking faithfulness constraint IDENT[voice] initial , which preserves the voiced stop in initial position (Lombardi, 2001;Beckman, 1998). This constraint dominates *b, preserving voicing word-initially.…”

Section: [ T D $ I N L I N E ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Grounded constraints and the consonants of Setswana

Gouskova¹,

Zsiga²,

Boyer³

2011

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Section: [ T D $ I N L I N E ]mentioning

confidence: 99%

Grounded constraints and the consonants of Setswana

Gouskova¹,

Zsiga²,

Boyer³

2011

Lingua

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…Let us consider a hypothetical rightdominant sandhi system in which a nonfinal syllable must lose its tonal contrast due to a positional faithfulness ranking MAX-DOMINANTEDGE(Tone) » *TONE » MAX(Tone) (Beckman (1998), Yip (2003)). To keep the scenario simple, let us consider an underlying level tone 55 on the second syllable of a disyllabic compound.…”

Section: Faithful Alignment Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Zhang

2007

J East Asian Linguist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Chinese tone sandhi systems are often classified as left-dominant or right-dominant depending on the position of the syllable retaining the citation tone. An asymmetry exists between the two types of systems: left-dominant sandhi often involves rightward extension of the initial tone to the entire sandhi domain; right-dominant sandhi, however, often involves default insertion and paradigmatic neutralization of nonfinal tones. I argue that the extension of a tone to a larger domain may serve two markedness purposes: the reduction of tonal contours on a syllable and the reduction of pitch differences across syllable boundaries, both of which have a rightward directionality preference. The former is due to the durational advantage afforded by final lengthening; the latter is due to the universal preference for progressive tonal coarticulation. I show that a theory that formally encodes these preferences via intrinsic constraint rankings can predict the directional asymmetry noted above.

show abstract

“…Lee's analysis of Korean nouns as prosodic words relies on the alignment constraint that requires the right edge of a prosodic word to coincide with the right edge of a syllable. The existence of such noun-faithfulness constraints suggests that the noun category is a salient domain (Beckman 1997;Smith 1997).…”

Section: Korean Phonologymentioning

confidence: 98%

Adaptation of English complex words into Korean

2012

J East Asian Linguist

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Most previous studies related to loanword adaptation have centered on segmental mappings between source and loanword sounds in morphologically simplex words (LaCharité and Paradis, Ling Inq 36:223-258, 2005; Kang, Phonology 20:1-56, 2003). However, few have considered the adaptation of complex words, specifically words made of multiple free morphemes. Examining the adaptation of complex English words into Korean, the present study makes four claims. First, it proposes that each component of a complex word is a unit for loanword adaptation in calculating sound mappings. Second, it suggests that each component word is a stem, whereas a loanword as a whole is categorized as a nominal word in Korean. Third, apparent single-unit adaptation is possible only when the first component allows variable final vowel epenthesis at the end of the first component word; this is analyzed in terms of split-base effects. Fourth, the allophonic realization of phonemes plays a crucial role in loanword adaptation. These claims are empirically supported by loanwords found via the National Academy of Korean Language (NAKL 1991) and Google searching (March-June 2011). Furthermore, this study provides an explicit formalization of the analysis of complex loanwords within Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky, Opimality Theory: Constraint interaction in generative grammar, 1993). The present study contributes to the literature of loanword phonology by shedding light on several issues. First, the study proposes a model for the adaptation of complex loanwords wherein both morphological structure and the phonetic information of the source language play important roles. There has been intense debate about the effect of input information on loanword adaptation, broadly split between a phonological view (LaCharité and Paradis, Ling Inq 36:223-258, 2005) and a perceptual view (Silverman, Phonology 9:289-328, 1992; Steriade, in: Hume and Johnson (eds.) The role of speech

show abstract

Positional Faithfulness

Cited by 82 publications

References 42 publications

Grounded constraints and the consonants of Setswana

Grounded constraints and the consonants of Setswana

A directional asymmetry in Chinese tone sandhi systems

Adaptation of English complex words into Korean

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About