Political support in the baltic states, 1993–2004

Ehin, Piret

doi:10.1080/01629770701223486

Cited by 32 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 28 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…Most studies only explained such democratic disconnect in socioeconomic terms (see for e.g. Ehin 2007;Vigoda-Gadot et al 2010). It is clear that a poor macroeconomic performance affects perceptions of the quality of experienced democracies (see Armingeon and Guthmann 2014;Clarke et al 1993;Weßels 2015), especially in a period of crisis.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Legal Corruption and Dissatisfaction with Democracy in the European Union

Maciel¹,

Sousa

2017

Soc Indic Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Your article is protected by copyright and all rights are held exclusively by Springer Science+Business Media B.V.. This e-offprint is for personal use only and shall not be selfarchived in electronic repositories. If you wish to self-archive your article, please use the accepted manuscript version for posting on your own website. You may further deposit the accepted manuscript version in any repository, provided it is only made publicly available 12 months after official publication or later and provided acknowledgement is given to the original source of publication and a link is inserted to the published article on Springer's website. The link must be accompanied by the following text: "The final publication is available at link.springer.com".

show abstract

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Legal Corruption and Dissatisfaction with Democracy in the European Union

Maciel¹,

Sousa

2017

Soc Indic Res

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…A growing literature on political attitudes in ethnically diverse societies demonstrates a gap in political support between ethnic majorities and minorities. For example, Kurds in Turkey show lower levels of trust in domestic institutions (Karakoç 2013) and Russian-speakers in Estonia and Latvia report lower levels of regime support (Ehin 2007) than their respective titular ethnic groups. In comparative analysis, Silver and Dowley (2000) find for a number of political attitudes that differences between ethnic groups within countries are substantially larger than differences between countries.…”

Section: Determinants Of Electoral Fairnessmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Political support is vital for democratic stability, as its lack may lead to a sense of disconnection or political alienation from the political process (Citrin et al 1975), which in turn may lead citizens to opt out of or even rebel against that process (Muller, Jukam, and Seligson 1982;Norris 2011). Yet various studies show that political support is significantly and considerably lower among members of minority groups than majority groups (Karakoç 2013;Silver and Dowley 2000;Bühlmann and Hänni 2012;Ehin 2007;Hänni 2017b). 1 One of the main reasons for this discrepancy in political support is thought to be minorities' lack of representation in political office, as representation arguably enhances communication between representatives and represented, increases citizens' trust in government and hence political legitimacy, and raises feelings of belonging to the polity (Mansbridge 1999;Williams 2000).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnicity, inequality, and perceived electoral fairness

Flesken

Hartl

2020

Social Science Research

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Establishing electoral legitimacy across the population is vital for democratic stability, yet in contrast to other measures of political support, perceived electoral fairness has received scant scholarly attention. Moreover, while research into other measures of political support has shown that they differ by both ethnicity and socioeconomic status, no study examines both at once, potentially overlooking important interrelationships between the two variables. This paper combines data from the Ethnic Power Relations project and the World Value Survey to examine respondents' perceptions of electoral fairness according to their ethnic group's access to power, their individual socioeconomic status, and the intersection of these two. It finds that one's ethnic group's political status does affect perceived fairness, but that the effect interacts strongly with one's socioeconomic status. Poorer members of nonrepresented ethnic groups have significantly lower perceptions of fairness, while richer members' perceptions do not differ from those of represented groups. The results suggest a levelling effect of socioeconomic status on ethnic inequalities.

show abstract

“…Yet as can be seen from the last two examples cited here, respondents frequently resorted to irony when describing the citizenship policies of the estonian state, something which in turn bears out suggestions by other researchers that virtually no Russian-speakers identify actively with the political community as presently configured. 53 Within this context, monuments such as the Bronze Soldier in Tallinn and the war memorials on Peter's Square in Narva have been able to catalyze enactment of "Russianness"-that is to say assertions of a distinct national identity by representatives of estonia's "non-titular" nationalities.…”

Section: Survey Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

Enacting Identities in the EU–Russia Borderland

Smith

Burch

2011

East European Politics and Societies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Drawing on Rogers Brubaker's theoretical analyses of "nationness" and nationalism in post-communist europe, this article examines the dynamics of social identity within the nationally contested setting of the estonian-Russian borderland. Since 1991, the city of Narva (96% Russophone by population) has customarily been defined (both politically and academically) in binary national terms as a "Russian enclave" within a unitary and "nationalizing" estonian state. an ethnographic approach to the case, however, gives a rather different perspective, pointing to hybridity rather than nationality as the defining characteristic of identity politics within the city. In what follows, we bring to bear the results of extensive fieldwork carried out in Narva during 2006-2008. We first examine how different identity categories (local, national, meso-regional, and supranational) are being officially inscribed within Narva's sites of memory. Thereafter, we focus on how these discursive-material articulations of place are implicated within the everyday performance of identity amongst the city's population. Using the novel methodology of photo elicitation, we examine how residents of Narva appropriate but also subvert the identity categories that elites and outsiders (including ourselves as researchers) would seek to impose on them from above. This study (we argue) is significant for its methodological novelty, as well as in terms of giving a more nuanced understanding of Narva's situation at a time of continued ethnopolitical contestation within estonia as a whole.

show abstract

Political support in the baltic states, 1993–2004

Cited by 32 publications

References 28 publications

Legal Corruption and Dissatisfaction with Democracy in the European Union

Legal Corruption and Dissatisfaction with Democracy in the European Union

Ethnicity, inequality, and perceived electoral fairness

Enacting Identities in the EU–Russia Borderland

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About