No abstract

No abstract

No abstract

No abstract

This year marks the 20th anniversary of the start of Estonia's 'Singing Revolution'. Looking back on these events, one is reminded not least of the important role that the reappearance of Estonian national symbols had in galvanizing the mass movement for independence. Here one thinks

No abstract

The European Journal of Criminology was launched 10 years ago. In this article, the journal's founding editor, David J. Smith, reflects on the journal's contribution to European criminology. The article recalls the ambitions for the journal when the idea was first discussed, and looks back over the first nine volumes to assess the extent to which these ambitions have been fulfilled. It argues that the study of crime must draw on both humanist and scientific traditions. Because its moral and political dimensions are inescapable, criminology is bound to have a contested relationship with government. The weaknesses of the journal so far have been on the humanist and critical side, with an associated lack of deep and detailed qualitative research. Among the many strengths are lively and varied comparative studies, research using innovative methods, and articles that open up new fields and shift the emphasis away from minor offending by juveniles. Building on this base, this article discusses the role the journal should play in creating the future of European criminology.

ABSTRACT. While Estonia's 1925 Law on Cultural Self-Government for National Minorities is often cited as a rare functioning example of Renner and Bauer's non-territorial autonomy scheme, there has until recently been comparatively little research on how the law operated in practice. This article analyses the institutions of German and Jewish minority self-government established in inter-war Estonia, arguing that (prior to the eclipse of democracy in 1934, at least) these possessed considerable depth and authoritative competence in the area of cultural and educational policy. Cultural autonomy did not resolve all outstanding points of division between state, majority and (in particular) Baltic German minority; nevertheless, it played a positive role in the regulation of ethnonational tensions. Even less well-known is the international resonance of this unique law, which transnational minority activists argued should serve as a general model for the regulation of minority disputes. The League of Nations rightly questioned this claim, and the non-territorial autonomy model was scarcely applied beyond the Baltic region during the 1920s. However, it is still instructive to revisit the 1925 law today, at a time when several post-communist states have adopted minority rights legislation based on similar principles.